Sri Lanka: The Agony of a Nation

The protesters- “Aragalists” in general- are gearing up for what seems to be the final phase of the struggle, their unchanged aim being a complete dismantling of the existing system and the creation of a new, utopian model of governance.

by Anura Gunasekera

I never knew a man who had better motives for all the trouble he caused- Graham Greene in the Quiet American.Surveying the wreckage of the nation in the moment of the departure of its President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the above simple sentence is seen as a fitting epitaph for the most disastrous custodianship of this country. It would be equally fitting if the words are inscribed one day on his tombstone, wherever that may lie.

Sri Lanka today is a country in which nothing of importance functions normally; public and private transport are, literally, at a standstill; schools are closed; offices, banks, hotels, eating houses – from the top end to the bottom – shops large and small, have become dysfunctional along with many major government hospitals. Life-saving drugs are off the market and what is available is so expensive that they are out of the reach of the average earner. The majority of single entrepreneurs who, together, probably contribute as much or more to the national economy than all the large corporates, have been bankrupted. There is both the scarcity and ungovernable price increase of staple food items. The daily wage-income earner has become indigent. Farmers are unable to cultivate their land and fishermen are unable to go to sea. Export production is declining daily and the Gross Domestic Product is shrinking visibly.

In total, the above was a tragedy waiting to occur but, unarguably, Gotabaya, with his irrationality, obduracy, ignorance of the ways of governance and an inborn witlessness, catalyzed a gradual process and caused the sudden implosion of both the society and economy. Sri Lanka today is a totally failed state, hopelessly indebted to both friendly and unfriendly lenders and in the grip of anarchy. Systems have failed and the mobs rule. Political analysts and other pundits may clothe the situation in romantically attractive analogies – the storming of the Bastille, the French student uprising of 1968, the more recent Arab Spring and other such events elsewhere – but the reality is that there is a total systems breakdown, and the erosion of legitimate rule. It is close to becoming terminally ungovernable unless the lawmakers, immediately, within the next few hours, formulate strategies for systems and governance correction.

GR, when the end seemed nigh, got for himself a short-lived, temporary reprieve by appointing RW as prime minister. Welcomed by some as the redeemer, from the time of his appointment he has done little more than make a series of predictions, each more dire than the other. The irony of a man, rejected by electors, being reincarnated as the saviour of the nation in its darkest hour, is also a reflection of the desperation of Sri Lanka, and the inability, or reluctance, of our parliamentarians, to set aside parochial and individual interests and, instead, to arrive at a consensus based on national need.

At a time when the country had come to a standstill, with millions baying for his blood, GR decided to appear in Parliament. The outcome was that for the first time in history, a leader of our country was drummed out of the House to the accompaniment of hoots and jeers from a combined opposition. Minutes before his precipitate departure he was seen, quite relaxed and exchanging pleasantries with his PM, despite the agony of the citizens on the streets outside. Not long after the PM’s personal residence was torched by protesters. Later he made a televised statement, informing the nation of the damage to his only residence, the destruction of statuary, artifacts, paintings and books, all of great personal and intrinsic value.

As the owner of a library, accumulated lovingly over six decades, I can empathize, unreservedly, with his sense of loss. There can be no condoning of violence and arson, though they are inevitable features of civic unrest the world over. But, regrettably, the insensitivity of the man is such that he does not understand that he was projecting the image of a rich, entitled man, bemoaning the loss of expensive personal belongings, before a nation which has lost all hope and in full view of citizens who have been deprived of both the means and the right to live, by an incompetent, corrupt regime. When a dozen people die in fuel queues, a pregnant mother gives birth after waiting in line for days for a passport, and parents are unable to feed hungry children, a rich man’s loss of personal goods does not warrant a public lament; it is especially imprudent when the man concerned is a much disliked and repeatedly-rejected politician.


The protesters- “Aragalists” in general- are gearing up for what seems to be the final phase of the struggle, their unchanged aim being a complete dismantling of the existing system and the creation of a new, utopian model of governance. Not being a historian I am open to correction but, as far as I am aware, there is no such parallel in recent history which has also stood the test of time. Finally, though they claim to be non-political, in a struggle for control of a society or a nation, there is no such creature as a non-political movement. Any crusade which aims to change the socio-political environment will not succeed without a clear political thrust.

Another question which asks itself is whether the “Aragalaya” has a defined leadership, with whom elected political leaders can engage in meaningful discussion, in order to obtain greater clarity regarding their objectives and, where possible and practical, the integration of such objectives in to future governance. Whilst several political parties have expressed solidarity with the movement, and the more radical claim to represent its interests, it is clear that they do not control its actions. If such parties do insist on their championship of the protest, they must also accept joint responsibility for all the acts of destruction of both public and private property committed by the protestors.

Despite the disorder and disruption that the “Aragalaya” and its sister movements have created, it has stopped a fascist regime in its tracks, and relieved the country of leaders who have not only outlived their usefulness, but also become despised for a variety of reasons. To that extent the “Aragalaya” has achieved a historically significant objective. It is a movement of young men and women who have literally put their lives at risk, and possibly lost regular livelihoods in the process as well, in articulating and giving life to a nation-wide wish. They have liberated a new cultural and political consciousness, for the present invested with morality, inclusiveness and a great honesty of purpose; and long may that last.

As this is being written there is confirmation of GR’s flight from the country and of Ranil Wickremesinghe being sworn in as Acting President, accompanied by television footage of total mayhem in many locations in Colombo; Rupavahini, the State TV channel, has been taken over by protesters and broadcasts have ceased, whilst the defences around the Prime Minister’s office are about to be breached by thousands of protesters. Emergency has been declared and a curfew imposed in the western province. It is a convulsion of a nation in its death throes.

Ranil Wickremesinghe, despite the total illegitimacy of his position as Prime Minister and the country-wide demand for his resignation, has gone one step further and accepted the position of Acting President. With Gota gone he has provided the protest movement with a single focal point for renewed struggle and intensified protest. It is a constitutionally valid step for RW but what is the validity of an action which clearly flies in face of the need and call of the citizen? Does the constitution supersede the cry of the citizens? Given the nature and intensity of the island-wide agitation, which commenced with the farmers’ protest against the inorganic fertilizer ban, thereafter developing in to the “Galle Face Aragalaya” and its subsequent expansion, no formal referendum is necessary to gauge public opinion as to its preferences for government. Leaving aside constitutional and legal arguments as to what is possible – or not possible – within the constitution, what is the validity of a constitution which can override the irresistible wish, and the wrath, of the people? What is happening in Parliament is no longer relevant to the tragic reality of a nation in agony.

What is the possible future scenario? Has Gota actually resigned or is his flight a temporary dislocation, till RW evolves a new strategy to save the Rajapaksa bacon once again? Does Wickremesinghe continue as president for the rest of the existing term? As acting president will he appoint a man of his choice to the vacant post of prime minister, overriding the wish of the parliament, following the process which catapulted him from obscurity, to the position of prime minister, in a matter of hours? With RW as acting president and an individual of his choice as prime minister, will it be possible to form a government representative of all parties? Will there be an early general election, so that protesters and ordinary people can exercise their preference through the ballot?

In the immediate aftermath of the announcement of Wickremesinghe’s appointment, the statements made by Sajith Premadasa, Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Maithripala Sirisena, confirm beyond doubt that the parties that they represent are completely opposed to RW. What the nation desperately needs from its lawmakers is not conflict in parliament but consensus. The divisive RW is not going to achieve that. His latest move is certain to escalate the ongoing agitation to a level, which may result in a militarized retaliation against unarmed protesters. His first act as acting president of Sri Lanka, the declaration of an island-wide emergency and a curfew in the Western province may be the preliminaries to a fascist regime to rival that of the deposed president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa.