A history unlikely to be repeated

( May 16, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The standardization policy introduced by Sirimavo Bandaranaike's United Front Government was aimed at addressing a higher education issue that caused worry to the majority community Sinhalese – the low number of university admissions at that time. But Bandaranaike's attempt backfired, strongly so, when a Tamil student by the name of Satyaseelan reacted swiftly and formed what came to be known as the Tamil Manavar Peravai, or the Tamil Students' League, the first of its kind in Sri Lanka.

Inspired by the failed Southern insurrection launched by the Janatha Vimukthi Permuna (JVP), these students demanded fair enrolment and rejected Bandaranaike's policy. This group was to later provide leadership to much more than a mere students' struggle.

The student group consisted of about 40 persons, including Ponnuthurai Sivakumaran, subsequently, the Leader of the Sivakumaran Group, K. Pathmanabha, a founder of the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students (EROS) and the then 18-year-old Velupillai Prabhakaran, who initiated one of the most ruthless guerrilla organizations in the world, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

Militancy on the rise
In 1972, Prabhakaran joined forces with Chetti Thanabalasingam of the Tamil New Tigers (TNT) and around that time, Nadarajah Thangathurai and Selvarajah Yogachandran, better known as Kuttimani founded their own organization – The Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), openly advocating for a separate Tamil State or Eelam.
There had been sporadic incidents since 1976, gradually creating political unrest in Northern Sri Lanka. It slowly began to spread to the East thereafter.

Among the first to die at the hands of such violence was a respected citizen from the North – one-time parliamentarian and Jaffna Mayor representing the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), Alfred Duraiappah. Ironically, he was on his way to a famous Krishna temple for prayers. That Duraiappah took strong exception to the growing militancy among Tamil youth is well documented and was conferred the 'traitor' label by the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). After several attempts on his life, it was Prabhakaran himself who shot and killed Duraiappah on 27 July 1975.

The floodgates to violence was opened when the LTTE launched its first major attack on 23 July 1983, when they ambushed Sri Lanka Army patrol Four Four Bravo at Thirunelveli, Jaffna, killing 13 servicemen, paving the way for the infamous 'Black July', when Tamil civilians came under direct attack. It was time for Tamil militancy to take root in Sri Lanka's North and to continue, for nearly three decades thereafter.

Just like the slaying of Duraiappah and the attack on 13 servicemen, there also was a starting point for the discussions between the government and the militant groups. The two rounds of discussions took place in Thimpu, the capital of Bhutan, initiated by the Indian Government, attended by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), Eelam Revolutionary Organization (EROS), Peoples' Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) and the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF).

The first round of talks took place between 8 –13 July and the second, between 12 – 17 August 1985. What was proposed by the Sri Lankan delegation for the sharing of power was outrightly rejected by the Tamil militant groups. In doing so, they put forward four key demands, identified as the 'cardinal principles'.
It is these principles the Colombo administration had repeatedly rejected, up until the 2002-2004 ceasefire period when there was some recognition of a ' Tamil homeland' with the formal recognition of 'government-controlled' and 'LTTE-controlled areas.'

Thimpu Declaration
The Tamil representatives since then have based their call for a separate homeland on the non-negotiated four principles, commonly referred to as the Thimpu Declaration. This was also the first initiative taken by the Indian Government to bring an end to the war that had commenced two years earlier, and a few years later, would devour the life of an Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi.

The Thimpu Declaration of 1985 read:
"It is our considered view any meaningful solution to the Tamil national question must be based on the following four cardinal principles:
Recognition of the Tamils of Ceylon as a nation;
Recognition of the existence of an identified homeland for the Tamils of Ceylon;
Recognition of the right to self- determination of the Tamil nation;
Recognition of the right to citizenship and the fundamental rights of all Tamils of Ceylon."
The argument of the Tamil militant groups was theirs was a militant struggle justified, given the absence of recognition for their ethnic identity and political aspirations. The struggle stemmed from the denial by the successive Sinhalese governments, they said.

The armed groups supporting the Thimpu Declaration, in rejecting the Sri Lankan Government's proposal, presented by eminent lawyer Hector Jayawardene, the brother of President J.R. Jayewardene said, delegation as their solution to this problem is totally unacceptable. It was the adopted principle then that "in view of our earnest desire for peace, we are prepared to give consideration to any set of proposals, in keeping with the above-mentioned principles," which were repeatedly rejected by the successive governments. The insistence on the recognition of the Thimpu principles had come at much more cost to the Tamil community, causing them to experience violence at the hands of multiple Tamil militant organizations in addition to that of the Security Forces.

Two and a half decades later, even at the point of losing the war to the Security Forces, the LTTE was militantly sticking to the old principles that had been repeatedly rejected by successive governments. In doing so, it had committed many a young Tamil boy and girl to early death, besides bringing much destruction to the region they had virtual control over.

With the war's end, there is significant triumphalism among the Sinhalese majority. It is not just the war the Security Forces won. With the vanquishing of the LTTE, the political demands of the Tamil community too were crushed. By sticking to the antiquated Timpu Declaration for another two and a half decades, what the Tamil people achieved is there for all to see. Besides the lives lost and homes razed to the ground, it is the space to defend an ethno-political identity, which was also lost. It will be the final legacy of the LTTE and a space the community for years, will not be able to regain.

- Ceylon Today