| by B.Raman
( November 8, 2012, Chennai, Sri
Lanka Guardian) To be fair to President Barack Obama, one cannot deny that he
inherited a bad economy from his predecessor Mr.George Bush. It became worse
partly due to lack of energetic handling
by his economic team and partly due to the
global economic melt-down during his first term.
The lack of references to India during the debates showed how inconsequential India is from the point of view of the economy as well as the Asia-Pacific tensions. India would not be a beneficiary of the increased attention to the China-centric concerns during Mr.Obama’s second term. We should not nurse any illusions of a greater importance to India in view of the China factor.
The cumulative effect was a
seemingly bad economic record which was sought to be exploited skilfully by his
challenger Mr.Mitt Romney. During the first Presidential debate, Mr.Romney
managed to keep the spotlight focussed
on Mr.Obama for the declining state of the economy.
After the first debate, the
economy started showing glacial signs of improvement. The unemployment rate
stopped increasing. More jobs were being created. More people started getting
jobs. The deficit position remained as bad as ever, but the job market was not
as gloomy as it was before the first Presidential debate.
Not many analysts noticed these
glacial changes for the better in the job market. The BBC’s economic analyst
was one of the very few to have done so.
When the American voters went to the
polls on November 6, they had before their eyes a job market which had stopped
deteriorating. Should they give credit for this to Mr.Obama’s economic policies
and give time to those policies to reduce the negativity in the economy by
giving Mr.Obama a second term, or should they turn to Mr.Romney and his
proposed policy package without any guarantee of its success should Mr.Romney
become the President? They chose the first option and decided to let Mr.Obama
continue for a second term in view of what seemed a turn-around in the job
market.
That is how I would explain the
remarkable success of Mr.Obama despite his lack-lustre handling of the economy
during the first term. Other factors contributed to his success too such as his
demonstrated leadership in handling the hurricane disaster which stood in sharp
contrast to the lack of leadership of Mr.Bush in dealing with natural
disasters. But these factors alone would not have led to the win of Mr.Obama if the clouds of economic
gloom had not started showing signs of dissipation in respect of the job market
before voting day.
Mr.Obama is going to face three
major mine-fields during his second term. The first will relate to the economy.
Despite incipient signs of an improvement in the job market, an economic
upswing is not round the corner. Whether there is an economic upswing would
depend on how he and his advisers handle the deficit. Controlling the deficit
will take time.
During the campaign, Mr.Romney
managed to plant in the minds of sections of US voters seeds of suspicion that China was partly responsible for the USA’s
economic woes. He said during the third debate devoted to foreign policy that
if he became the President he would declare China a foreign exchange manipulator.
The references to China by both
the candidates during the Presidential debates in the context of the economic
situation would augment the attention given to China during Mr.Obama’s second
term. There will be more attention to China from the point of view of the
economy as well as the tensions in the Asia Pacific region.
The lack of references to India
during the debates showed how inconsequential India is from the point of view
of the economy as well as the Asia-Pacific tensions. India would not be a
beneficiary of the increased attention to the China-centric concerns during
Mr.Obama’s second term. We should not nurse any illusions of a greater
importance to India in view of the China factor.
The second minefield will be with
regard to Afghanistan. Mr.Obama has taken an irreversible decision to thin down
the US troop presence in Afghanistan. There is going to be continuing
instability in Afghanistan. President Hamid Karzai is going to complete his
second term. He will not be eligible for a third term. A new Afghan President
will add to ground uncertainties at a time when the US and other NATO troops
thin out.
Pakistani co-operation for
ensuring stability on the ground in Afghanistan during the second term of
Mr.Obama will become more important than it was during his first term. He may
not be able to adopt the same tough line towards Pakistan as he did during his
first term. He may find himself increasingly compelled to pay more attention to
Pakistani sensitivities. That would mean less attention to Indian interests.
The convergence of Indian and US interests and policies in Afghanistan would
not be sharp.
The third minefield would be
relating to Syria and Iran. Mr.Obama is pledged to bring about a regime change
in Syria, if need be, by strengthening the capabilities of the anti-Assad
forces in Syria. He is also pledged to increase pressure on Iran on the nuclear
issue. The Jewish voters are believed to have largely voted for Mr.Romney due
to their belief that he would take a tougher line towards the Assad regime in
Syria and Iran than Mr.Obama.
Mr.Obama has to placate the Jewish
sensitivities. He cannot afford to be indifferent to them. Dealing with Syria
will not be as easy as dealing with Libya was because of Iran’s close interests
in Syria and the Lebanese factor. Any
fresh instability in the Lebanon as a result of the US policies in Syria will
complicate the ground situation increasing the possibility of fresh Israeli
intervention in the Lebanon. Dealing with the new complexities in the region
without opening a fresh Pandora’s Box is going to be a tricky matter.
Mr.Obama’s preoccupation is going
to be with these three minefields. The options available for India for further
strengthening our strategic partnership with the US will remain limited. We
must focus on reviving and strengthening our economy and stabilising and
increasing our regional influence without
exaggerated hopes of a surge in our links with the US.
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd),
Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director,
Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre For
China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com
Twitter @SORBONNE75)