| by Shanie
"When the
Nazis came for the communists,
I remained
silent;
I was not a
communist.
When they locked
up the social democrats,
I remained
silent;
I was not a
social democrat.
When they came
for the trade unionists,
I did not speak
out;
I was not a trade
unionist.
When they came
for the Jews,
I remained
silent;
I wasn’t a Jew.
When they came
for me,
there was no one
left to speak out." - Pastor Martin Niemöller (1892–1984)
( November 10,
2012, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The fifteen years after the end of the
First World War saw the rise of the Nazis in Germany. In 1933, through
parliamentary elections and backstage manoeuvrings, Hitler had himself
constitutionally appointed as the German Chancellor by President Paul von Hindenburg.
Not long after, he presented in the Reichstag the Enabling Bill which was to
give him dictatorial powers written into the Constitution. The Nazis were the
largest single party in the Reichstag but they did not enjoy a majority. They
needed a two-third majority to amend the Constitution. Hitler assured the
Reichstag that "The government will make use of these powers only insofar
as they are essential for carrying out vitally necessary measures...The number
of cases in which an internal necessity exists for having recourse to such a
law is in itself a limited one." The Nazi brown shirts had an intimidating
presence around the building where the Reichstag was meeting, some even inside
the chamber. In the end, the Bill was passed by 441 votes to 84, with only the
Social Democrats having the courage to oppose it. Pastor Neimoller’s lament was
that he and other religious leaders and the intellectuals did nothing to stop
this assault on democracy and Germany’s descent into a Nazi dictatorship. Once
the Enabling Act became a part of the Constitution, Hitler’s assurances counted
for nothing. Does all this not sound similar to the passage of the Eighteenth
Amendment in Sri Lanka?
It is disgraceful to observe the orchestrated vilification of the Chief Justice by the state media and the members of the government parliamentary group, including members at the top of the hierarchy, even resorting to scurrilous unsigned poison pen letters. We do not wish to comment on the fourteen point ‘charge sheet’ that has been framed.
In 2010, the
infamous 18th Amendment was presented before the Sri Lankan Parliament as an
urgent Bill. A Bench of the Supreme Court presided over by the present Chief
Justice determined that the Amendment did not violate any provisions of the
Constitution, as long as it was passed by a two-third majority. Parliament,
with the aid of crossovers, the votes of the old Left and some minority parties
passed the Bill with a two-third majority. Mahinda Rajapaksa was
constitutionally vested with autocratic powers. The 18th Amendment was able to
do for Rajapaksa what the Enabling Act did for Hitler.
Quitting
Academia for the SC Bench
The present
Chief Justice, Dr Shirani Bandaranayake, had a distinguished academic career
and was Dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Colombo when she was
appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court in 1996. This columnist remembers a
Seminar organized by the Ethics Committee of the Sri Lanka Association for the
Advancement of Science. in 2003. Dr Bandaranayake and Justice R B Ranaraja were
among the speakers at the seminar which was presided over by Prof Ratnajeevan
Hoole In the course of his introduction, Prof Hoole stated (quoted from the
official record): "Many of you will be aware that Prof. K.D. Arulpragasam,
former and founder Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, former President of
SLAAS and UGC member, passed away peacefully while asleep at home on Wednesday.
His funeral is tomorrow. When I visited him last weekend with my wife and told
him of this evening’s event, he insisted he should come this evening and
arranged for a driver because of his failing eye sight. As he put it, and I
quote, "Shirani was my colleague at the University of Colombo when we
served as Deans together, I of Science and she of Law. She surely will be Chief
Justice one day. I must hear what she has to say" That was a warm tribute
from another distinguished and respected academic. Fifteen years after being on
the Bench of the Supreme Court Judge, on the mandatory retirement of her
predecessor, she was appointed Chief Justice.
Prof Hoole had
also commented on her academic credentials and stated that a promising academic
career at University of Colombo saw Bandaranayake promoted early to Associate
Professorship on merit (as against time-served). She forewent her career in
academia to join the highest bench. Her biggest challenge, she says, is not her
case-load or its complexity, but handling the sniping from men. Thus her
perspectives are not only as an academic and jurist, but also in minority,
standing her ground and asserting her right to be where she is.
Reasons for the
Impeachment
The sniping by
men of this outstanding legal luminary has continued. It is reported that an
infamous and opportunist trio were given the responsibility for drafting the
fourteen charges in the Impeachment Motion against the Chief Justice. One of
the UPFA parliamentarians appears to have quite nonchalantly told a group of
nondescript Samurudhi officials in Kekirawa that the real reason for the
impeachment motion was not the ‘charges’ relating to any misdoing. It was
really because she presided over the Supreme Court Bench which determined that
the Divineguma Bill had to follow the laid down constitutional procedures
before it became law. What the SC Bench determined was obviously in terms of
the Constitution. But, the Divineguma Bill is a brainchild of one of the
Rajapaksa brothers who are not used to any challenges to their authority,
whether constitutional or not.
Another issue
that irked the President was when the Chief Justice and the Judicial Service
Commission politely declined to meet the President on his invitation. The
invitation immediately followed the SC determination on the Divineguma Bill and
the disciplinary action taken by the JSC against a judicial officer (reportedly
a friend of the first family). The President’s original explanation for the
invitation was that it was to discuss budgetary allocations for the Judiciary.
A lot of knowledgeable people and apparently the JSC itself did not take that
explanation at face value; and the Presidential Secretariat itself quietly
dropped that excuse. The JSC therefore quite rightly declined the invitation as
an interference with their judicial functions.
CJ Neville
Samarakoon
The present
Chief Justice, like every one of us, undoubtedly has her faults. But we must
acknowledge that she has conducted herself with propriety and dignity as
befitting her office. She would also have been subject to political pressures,
but she is not known to have succumbed to every whim of the Executive. The
Executive takes umbrage only when their personal pride or authority is defied.
That appears to have been the case this time. Neville Samarakoon had to face an
impeachment as Chief Justice he defied another authoritarian Executive. S
Nadesan QC argued for several weeks before the Parliamentary Committee hearing
the impeachment that the ‘charges’ were untenable in terms of the rules of
natural justice. The majority of that Committee held with Nadesan, even though
five of the eight-person Committee were members of Jayewardene’s government
parliamentary group. But that was another era when we had parliamentarians of
some calibre who upheld some semblance of judicial values.
It will be interesting
to see who form the Parliamentary Committee this time. It will have to be
people outside the 117 who have already signed the impeachment motion because
the rules of natural justice demand that petitioners themselves cannot sit in
judgement over their own petition. It will also be interesting to see how the
‘charges’ are going to be sustained, even though we are now aware that the
Puttalam parliamentarian has stated publicly that these ‘charges’ are not the
real reason for the impeachment.
Framing of the
‘Charges’
Also interesting
would be how this whole drama ends. Already there are wide rumours, no doubt
well-founded, that the Executive has already decided on the next Chief Justice
and the next Attorney General. It is not known why it is necessary to talk of
replacements when neither of the present incumbents of the respective positions
have been found guilty of any misbehaviour or wrong-doing. It is irresponsible
and demoralising for the incumbents when such rumours abound. But worse would
be, if the replacements turn out to be amenable to political pressure and fail
to uphold and safeguard the integrity and dignity of their respective offices.
It is
disgraceful to observe the orchestrated vilification of the Chief Justice by
the state media and the members of the government parliamentary group,
including members at the top of the hierarchy, even resorting to scurrilous
unsigned poison pen letters. We do not wish to comment on the fourteen point
‘charge sheet’ that has been framed. Already, many have pointed out errors in
the ‘charge sheet’ and, no doubt, they will be adequately dealt with when the
Parliamentary Committee sits in judgement. The Chief Justice’s lawyers have
already pointed out that the charges relating to her bank accounts and the
purchase of a condominium by her sister on Australia have been above board. The
sister had sent the entire purchase price of the condominium through bank
remittances from Australia. The CJ has also declared all her assets in the
banks. The several other accounts listed in the ‘charge sheet’ have either been
already closed or are inoperative with zero or near zero balances. On the face
of the response of the lawyers, it does appear that the unholy trinity who
drafted the charge sheet have not done their homework.
Undoubtedly, Sri
Lanka is facing a crisis of monumental proportions. We cannot, as Pastor
Niemoller lamented, stand aside and not speak out. The very foundation of
democracy is being threatened. It is time for the people of this country, under
the leadership of the religious and the independent and free media, to fight
this tyranny.