Why I See Telltale Signs of Confrontation in the TNA Manifesto

By Thomas Johnpulle

(March 21, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Doing the same thing and expecting a different result is a sign of insanity according to Einstein. However some think differently. TNA is unfortunately following the same process followed by the ACTC, ITAK and TULF that ultimately ended up in war. No surprise, TNA is made up of politicians from these parties.Even 34 years of war has not taught them anything and they are restarting the same events that led to war even before a year had passed since the end of the war. TNA demands act in a number of ways to cause war.

1. If ever these demands were granted, there would be many wars including border wars, water wars, regionalised riots and essentially a mini India-Pakistan divide here in Sri Lanka. Thereafter both sides will remain in constant fear, building up their armies to face each other and teaming up with outsiders to attack each other. It will be a never ending battle.

2. If these demands are not granted, TNA has avowed to launch a peaceful Gandhian style agitation campaign. There is nothing wrong with such a campaign as far as non-violence is concerned. These campaigns are non-violent. However, Gandhi never used his non-violent campaigns to achieve sectarian, racial or tribal ends. Such motives when used against another community necessarily lead up to violence.

3. Continued non-granting of these demands will frustrate Tamils and this can lead to them taking up arms again. TNA manifesto exploits ignorance to create a craving for a better future tied to Tamil Autonomy. When it does not happen, frustration and violence takes over.

Either way there will be violence. What is the way out? The only peaceful way out is to drop communal demands and giving up separatism. That alone can better the lives of Tamils in this country. It is easy to give false hopes and blame others when they don’t materialise but it is better in the long run to offer sensible though less attractive things that are achievable.

There are many mistakes, contradictions and omissions in the manifesto.

A TAMIL NATION IN THE ISLAND OF CEYLON

TNA manifesto goes, “Prior to the arrival of the western powers in the 16th century, there were three kingdoms in the island of Ceylon, one of which in the North belonged to the Tamils.”

Assuming that the Northern kingdom actually belonged to the Tamils, what were its boundaries? Boundaries of the Jaffna kingdom at that time were within the Jaffna peninsula. Trincomalee, Mannar and Vanni were under the Kandyan kingdom. The East was completely separate. If status quo was re-established in 1948 by the British, Jaffna kingdom would have got independence, not what is known as ‘Tamil Homelands’ since Vanni and the East were not part of it by the time western powers brought it under their control.

This is why separatists didn’t demand the British to grant Independence to the Jaffna kingdom. The risk being they would have got it if asked and that would be the end of not only the Tamil Eelam project but also the Jaffna kingdom itself because it didn’t have enough resources or jobs to sustain its people.

THE CALL FOR A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION

Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) was formed in 1949. Tamil meaning of this name is “Lanka Tamil Kingdom Party”. However, the truth was covered with an English name, “the Federal Party”. Yet federalism as found in Australia, USA or Malaysia was not the driving force. They canvassed for a different kind of federalism based on race, like in India and a very few federal countries.

TNA manifesto goes, “in April 1951 the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) articulated its claim that the Tamil People in Ceylon were a distinct nation from that of the Sinhalese by every test of nationhood and were therefore entitled to the right to self-determination.” Wasn’t it before 1956, 1958, 1961, 1972, 1973, 1977, 1981 and 1983?

According to the TNA manifesto it is clear that the demand for Tamil self determination emerged way before ‘Sinhala Only’, standardisation, Banda-Chelva, Dudley-Chelva or riots took place. Citing these as root causes for the Tamil self determination claim is therefore ludicrous.

COLONIZATION

TNA manifesto reads, “The systematic state-sponsored colonization carried out since independence in 1948 with a view to changing the demographic pattern of the North and the East gravely agitated our People, who consider this as their ‘traditional homeland’ with the right to exercise self-determination.”

This is such an unhealthy attitude towards peace and harmony. What if the people in the south think the same way?

The manifesto goes on, “Between 1947 and 1981, while the national increase in the Sinhala population was 238%, the Sinhala population in the Eastern Province increased by 883%.”

These numbers are not correct. Between 1947 and 1981 the national increase in the Sinhala population was 138% whereas the national increase in the Ceylon Tamil population was 157%. (Source: Population by ethnic group, census years, Statistical Abstract 2008, Department of Census & Statistics). Clearly the Tamil population increase was higher than the Sinhala population increase.

TNA manifesto uses exaggerated percentages to arouse communal feelings among unsuspecting voters. What it conceals is that the Tamil population increase in the Southern and Western provinces was more than 900%.

Therefore it is futile complaining about Sinhalas settling in the North East as Tamils too have settled in areas outside the North East in larger numbers and percentages. Today close to 50% or more Tamils live in perfect harmony outside the North East. Even the families of most TNA MPs live outside the North East.

This trend is very good for the country and must be encouraged. It is one of the main reasons why people need a solution that is not racially prejudiced or regionalised. A regionalised solution would discriminate close to or more than 50% Tamils.

STANDARDIZATION AND ORGANISED VIOLENCE AGAINST THE PEOPLE

Unfortunately the Sri Lankan state is culpable in perpetrating these crimes on the Tamil people by both commission and omission. However, armed Tamil groups were also guilty of race riots as they too participated in rioting incidents. Only a handful of criminals were brought to justice.

The standardization scheme for University admissions affected Tamils in the North very badly but it was a blessing for Tamils in the East, Vanni and the upcountry. Although she didn’t go to university due to the violence that gripped her hometown, Pirapaharan’s daughter was selected to university. If not for standardization, she would never have been selected.

University admission has two aspects. One is at the receiving end and the other at the paying end. The country is unable to give free tertiary education to everyone who passes the GCE Advanced Level exam. It is a sad fact. On the other hand people of all races pay for free university education. Therefore it is nothing but fair that a method is used to distribute taxpayer money via free university education. A mere merit based method would not ensure this.

However, the method used should be fair across the country and across all communities. A new policy where no community would be disadvantaged or discriminated against must be drafted and implemented. Under such a scheme a Tamil student will always stand the same chance/probability of getting selected to university as a Sinhala student. This problem must be addressed from a national point of view, not from a single race point of view. It is also important to have an agreement with the beneficiaries of free tertiary education to serve the country for a stipulated period of time.

What the TNA manifesto quietly ignores is the fact that there are Tamil-Only universities in Sri Lanka whereas there are no Sinhala or Muslim only universities. This unfortunate trend must be rectified. After all, 81% of taxpayers paying for the Jaffna University for instance are not Tamils and they must get a return for their tax payments by way of university opportunities. It is also a fact that while Tamil students get selected to universities from all 25 districts, Sinhalas and Muslims can enter university from only 20 and 22 districts respectively. This is because of the silent mass displacement of Sinhalas in five districts over three decades by the LTTE. Muslims were chased out of 3 districts by the LTTE in the 1990s. These IDPs and their children too have rights. No attempt has been made to trace them, let alone resettle them! As a political party representing the North and the East, it is TNA’s responsibility to look into their lives as well.

WAY FORWARD

TNA should take into account ground realities. Security forces are not going to pack up and leave the north. Land and police powers may not be vested in a power devolution unit. Continuing with the Tamil homelands demand puts off any willing government from offering a political solution. As long as the risk of separatism is present, military presence would not be compromised. TNA must offer something valuable to the other party in order to arrive at a binding settlement. Else the other party may rescind it as it offers them nothing. However, due to both local and foreign powerful elements, TNA will not shed these demands. That means no real solution. But that doesn’t mean holding up the development process. Development work should continue. Social unrest and tension will be doused by higher economic activity. Trying to agitate people in such an atmosphere would be difficult. It has been proven that security forces can be and will be deployed as long as required.

This means the government is in no hurry for a political solution. Who has the urgency for a political solution? They must act first, reasonably and decisively. It has been 10 years since Sri Lanka offered something formally by way of a specific political solution in parliament. At that time senior Tamil legislators from the TULF rejected it. Not allowing sanity and reasonableness at least in 2010 would further put off the possibility of a specific political solution for an unknown number of years.