An objective report of a visitor to Sri Lanka

(January 20, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Happy Thai Pongal to everyone, and hope there will be peace and prosperity to our Tamil brethren in Sri Lanka, finally, in the coming year. I just returned from a visit to Sri Lanka. This was undertaken with a resolution to meet and see things from an individual perspective rather than on any conducted tour.

It is election time and obviously many goodies were promised and expected. The first goodie, of which much fan fare was made, is the opening of the A9 road for free travel by all. This meant that no one needed the Defence Ministry’s clearance (MOD) to be on those roads. The second was that visits to the IDP camps are also relaxed.

IDP’s, RESETTLEMENT and REHABILITATION

I planned the trip to Jaffna by road. Talked to a DIG friend of mine, who checked with officers from Northern Range, and said that irrespective of me being a foreign passport holder, and MOD is not necessary as I was born in Sri Lanka. So I set the date to leave to Jaffna.

Then information began to flow about how individual check posts in Vavuniya, Omantai etcetera will implement their own policy and that I should verify again, out of caution. An application was made to the Ministry of Defence, supported by a Parliamentarian. This did not have any result except to say that foreign passport holders cannot go by road, but can fly and an MOD could be granted for air travel. I made it clear that travel was intended by road.

I later understood some of my other compatriots were also in a similar situation, unable to leave to Jaffna. With the application still hanging, I headed to Vavuniya, hoping to be okayed while there. There was silence from the Ministry despite numerous reminders.

As you would be familiar, we had lots of material since March 2009, ranging from practical, commonsense to academic about the conditions in the IDP camps, its occupants, and how they needed to be cared for.

With the politics and electioneering, there were new policies at play – all aimed at showing that everything is being taken care of or listened by, giving options to leave, but in reality, the people were still controlled for fear that “all internal screening has not been completed”. Those who exercised the option to leave were still within the control of forces in their areas in regards to their movements.

The overall situation of these people, and their visualization of what the future held for them, is pathetic. They all want to be free, devoid of controls and supervision, to lead normal lives in places which were familiar to them. They had no support to do this and were clinging on in the camp – at least the handouts there gave a sense of security from hunger, and medical attention for their sickness.

The families moving out on their own were given 5000 rupees and some provisions to assist with housing, and sent away. It was the government’s position that these families do not need or qualify for any further assistance. These families have no means of income, no cash to survive beyond a week, and are utterly desperate. Many local NGO’s were not allowed to take care of them as the Defence Ministry has not approved them. That is the price of their choosing freedom. Many of them said they ran away leaving their household items and many belongings at the height of the war, and at least they could be given some assistance to recover them. Even permission to collect a bicycle belonging to them (heaps of which were available in the No Go Zone) or other utilities collected by the army was denied. They cannot buy a bicycle or even a bucket to hold water from the government handout. Those who left to Mannar, many of whom are fishermen and hoped to engage in fishing, found themselves handicapped without any boats and the army insisting that they should not take to the sea in catamarans.

There are other classic tales to add to this brand of “rehabilitation” on my trip along Mannar Road from Vavuniya to Mannar and Chettikulam. I witnessed several new settlements springing up on both sides of the road. The land was freshly bulldozer cleared, a tin sheet-roofed house erected, with all necessary amenities for living such as bicycle, buckets water pump etc. These settlements are adjacent to army camps and new arrivals from the south. Many such settlements are all along to Mannar and Cheddikulam, where historically Tamil villages existed. These villages are now conquered territories with the Tamils displaced. Within Menik Farm itself, increased facilities are being provided by way of roads and electricity, to make it a satellite town for the new settlers soon. If this is the situation in places in and around Menik farm, with lands being so ethnically altered, what is happening in areas around Mullaitivu connecting this belt to Trincomallee, which are still under curfew as no-go areas.

Apart from the general population in the camps, many youngsters are held in various locations not published very much (different to the media-showpiece camps in Vavuniya, Mahavidyalam) in groups of 100 to 200.

They are variously termed “surrendees”, “arrested”, “identified”, “exposed” etcetera, and the fate of these young ones is unclear. They are said to be for rehabilitation. One hears of some young ones, particularly minors, being released into the care of some welfare agencies. The releases are through the efforts of the lawyers and the judges, but increasingly consent of the Governor (Army Commander) is being made mandatory.

Those young ones, resigned to their fate, are trying to be cheerful. They appear to have developed some bonding with the army personnel, and speak highly of certain officers. They recollect the compassion most officers have shown towards them; and occasions of such friendly officers being transferred, despite their requests.

All of them dread only the visits of the CID officers, in the company of ex-militant cadres, or those key cadres who have now turned informants. The children said that once they come, identify and collect someone, they have not heard anything about them after that. There does not seem to be anyone who is able to have subsequent contact, including the International Red Cross. This fuels the fear of the inmates, as cadres are under pressure to identify more. Even the lawyers who have appeared for some acknowledge that some inmates identified are simply though pressure on informants.

I raised the widely circulated stories about large scale rape and abortions with many who were directly involved with the inmates. It was heartening to note that all of them simply rejected it as baseless and completely out of proportion, although in a crowded situation , there have been a few incidents in the camps. They cannot talk of the pre-screening situation, but if any, they are probably not living to tell their story. Some volunteers who had been with the people before the fall explained the abortions as a choice in the interest of the young girls because of the circumstances in which they became pregnant and the prospects facing them as young widows. The reasons are heart-wrenching, going to the core of our social fabric being dismembers over the years.

While there is some interaction at the rank-and-file level with army personnel in the various camps, at the higher and policy levels, there seems to be an attitude that “they know what programmes and rehabilitation that need to be given, and are unwilling to receive any input on such matters from anybody, including expatriates who may have some genuine concern.

This approach and attitude, including the secrecy surrounding those who are taken away, lends credibility to fear and suspicions that such screenings in the higher echelons of the forces is to grade these inmates with a view to eliminating those whom they fear will not be amenable to rehabilitation, or could turn to guerilla activity, if released.

The forces and politicians at all levels are working on the theory that they would not allow a relapse of the violence as it happened with the LTTE, and are very reluctant to let these cadres go. They fear that they can regroup or become a nucleus. If they can be without them, the forces will feel relaxed. The inmates and parents who have their children taken away strongly believe this is what is going to happen for the forces to feel easy to make a new Sri Lanka. Whether it is a lack of transparency in dealing with human lives or a policy in the making, to deal with the problem of relapse is a moot question.

ELECTIONS and MEETINGS WITH POLITICAL LEADERS

Electioneering was reaching fever pitch as I entered Colombo.

The immediate opening of the campaign by the principal contenders and the resultant media frenzy was about who is the hero of ‘Nandhikadal’ and ‘Puthumathalan’, and I suppose this is the foundation on which the people are called upon to vote. In the subsequent weeks, corruption, family cronyism and mismanagement of the economy are all making some headway. I do not know whether all this can have any impact against what people generally fear – that there will be substantial rigged votes to bring home the incumbent, and Tamil areas, with politicians pledging support to him being prime suspects.

It is the boycott by Tamils which decided the last election. This time, it is the votes of the same Tamils, either voting or rigged, which may be the clincher. One, however, has to wait and see. Fate has its mysterious ways, like bringing the “King’s” own General to this contest, which he had expected to sweep with 2/3 majority.

The sad thing about all this is that there does not seem to be any learning or understanding from all what has happened, since independence. There was much expectation for relaxed security controls. There has been plenty of opportunity for all Sinhala parties to assure the Tamils; to reach an understanding and amicably settle their genuine grievances; and to usher the country forward in a new era of equality and prosperity. However, here both contenders play their role in vindicating Sinhala pride.

Therefore it is apparent the attitude from all Sinhala political parties – big or small – is to make capital about the Tamils’ being crushed, and that they would be kept under check militarily – to appeal to the vote bank of the South.

The usual statements that “grievances will be looked into, when they come to power”, “there will be devolution” just as in the ‘fifties to the ‘nineties, are the ones echoing around Colombo again and again. That there is no sincere intention to genuinely settle the Tamil question, and bring them into the national polity as a distinct people, is loud and clear. It is also loud that the policy intended to be adopted is nothing but an assimilation of the people – if they would like to continue to live in Sri Lanka.

I had discussions about these anxieties with Minister Douglas Devananda on the phone as he was in Jaffna busy with elections, and leader of PLOTE, Sithartan. As to new settlements, while acknowledging they are powerless and have no means to confront this issue, they said “it should be more of our people settling in those areas”. Concerning the cadres, it was their view that this is exaggerated; there are some incidents, but mostly out of fear; and regardless, no one would know how the defence ministry is operating anyway. There is a strong anti-LTTE sentiment generally. They feel that it is the nature of the LTTE and its brainwashing of the cadres that attracts such retribution. Obviously the blame was directed at the LTTE hierarchy.

On the political front, I traveled widely, meeting and talking to a good cross-section of political leaders, NGO’s and human rights activists and importantly, had some lengthy discussions with Sampanthan. He explained the thinking process behind the support to General Fonseka and that in the situation confronted by the Tamils presently within Sri Lanka, this is the best option they could take. I need not dwell largely about this since statements of their own have emerged since our meeting.

He explained the nature of the advice provided by him to the expat Tamils in the Swiss meeting. It is true that TNA or other Tamil groups within Sri Lanka, including, as a matter of fact, the Sri Lankan government cannot dictate or control the steps the diaspora Tamils wish to take. But it is our duty and responsibility to take such actions and steps, keeping in mind their current predicament and the effect of our actions on them as cowed people. The mind set of the Sinhala political leaders, whoever they are, even after all these years of destruction and instability, does not appear to have changed except to see and rule Sri Lanka as one nation, without giving any quarter of the power to anyone, or even to be shared. Their option, at the most, is still to run those parts of the country through their viceroys.

Minister Devananda told that he is providing the support on the basis of the 10-point programme which he has already discussed with President Rajapakse, and which has been submitted to the public. If Rajapakse is elected and the programme is not implemented, to question him and he will be personally responsible of that and answerable to us.

I reminded him that in my observation overall with people from Jaffna, I could sense an increase of at least 25% support to him, which he should direct sensibly for the upliftment of Tamils, and not simply to assist the implementation of any agenda. I also told him there is no confirmation or acceptance of the 10 point program by any public statement from the President, whereas he has made exactly the opposite arrangements with the JVP and the Muslim Congress in relation to devolution, making it clear that the constitution is unitary. It appeared that the President was keen to please everybody just to get through the election rather than with any sincerity on its implementation as our experience since March 2009 had shown.

Support by PLOTE was based on the existing understanding with the government and Mr. Sitharthan said they will encourage the people to vote but will have to deal with whoever elected in relation to the grievances to the Tamil people, as it is clear neither candidate has the intention of giving a clear commitment during the election period, although the climate now augers well for the Tamil people to bargain through the national process.

The representatives of the Indian Tamil communities appeared to be very focused about the positions they preferred to take. So are the Muslim leaders.

In one way, it was heartening to see the Tamils moving out of confined Tamil politics based and taking a stand with the national parties openly, with positive response from the Tamil public. What benefit such stance would deliver needs to be seen from the current elections, and they should move from here, as their lives are at stake rather than that of the diaspora.

In reality there is a huge task ahead of us for our people in rehabilitation and reconstruction of the area, apart from the lives of the people involved. The social fabric is devastated. This group of people are simply seen to be there, expected to manage to survive by themselves, because the ordinary day-to-day strife for the others themselves are too much.