It’s the Hope of the Brave, stupid.
By Nalin Swaris
(January 13, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) "Hell hath no fury like a woman scorned". Whoever said it, Shakespeare or Congreve, its a ‘general’ statement that is unfair to women. General Fonseka feels scorned by President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. His fury has made all hell boil over and what hell mates have been spewed to support his revolt against the President. All ye that enter tremble.
The General’s handlers realized that he had serious damage to himself by what he told the editor of The Sunday Leader (13/12/2009). They urged him to do something to contain the damage. The following Sunday he did a volte face, and categorically stated that no one come to surrender with white flags. Therefore (sic) everyone was killed! He was taking full responsibility for everything that happened on the battlefield. Sri Lankans have very short memory spans. They have forgotten the General’s biggest blooper a few months ago. A blooper is an Americanism for a foolish or stupid mistake; a blunder, especially one made in public. Though this colossal blooper was forgotten in Sri Lanka, the world outside understood its gravity. The US Department of State in its 2009 Report to Congress on Incidents During Recent Conflict in Sri Lanka, notes the following in Chapter VII. page 46, Killing of Captives or Combatants Seeking to Surrender page 46, "A media outlet reported that on July 18 at a celebratory event in Ambalangoda Army General Sarath Fonseka stated the military had to overlook the traditional rules of engagement and even kill LTTE rebels who came to surrender carrying white flags during the war against the LTTE". This was chest thumping bravado. This boast was made before a large raving audience at Dharmashoka Vidyalaya, the General’s old school and some local media reported it. The General’s boast was damningly incriminating. This was straight out of horse’s mouth. The General cannot say neigh-neigh-neigh, now. It opened the doors wide for war crimes charges against him and the army. Is that why the Department of Homeland Security wished to interview him? The General made out that it was to inquire about the conduct of the Defence Secretary. Very strange, because the Department of Homeland Security Agency could not have been unaware of what was recorded in Chapter VII of the State Department’s Report. It cites the General’s boast, but there is there is no mention at all of the Defence Secretary in that chapter. The government hastened to protest strongly and the asked the General to return post haste to the island. But what’s curious is this. Here was a man who went to the US to renew his Green Card which would eventually entitle him to full U.S. citizenship. He had blown his mouth and boasted of having broken established rules of war as far back as July. Now that is a war crime. In international law, crimes of war do not have a statutory period of limitation. The US is the most powerful nation on the planet. It could have simply ignored the protest of a puny country, detained the General and summoned, not requested, him, as a Green Card holder, subject to US law, about the statement he made in Ambalangoda.
The editor of The Sunday Times (8/11/2009), commented on The Dangers of Dual Citizenship: "The General's visit to the US, according to the Government, was an official one. But when the US withdrew its invitation to him to attend a military event, the visit was no longer official".
"Time was running out for him to visit the US and renew his Green Card, the residency visa, which is a precursor to citizenship in that country. Ignoring the hint of trouble when the invitation for the military event was withdrawn, and still having to visit the US to renew his Green Card would have been a matter of concern to General Fonseka". The editor commented further about this incident: "… it's simply ‘not cricket' to try and get the serving Chief of Defence Staff to rat against his boss under the guise of some benefit that has accrued to him in the form of citizenship and residency. There was no doubt, excitement in Colombo as the General was whisked back home before he would either 'spill the beans' or turn State Witness - or so that was the impression created by asking him to return home, pronto. On the other hand, he could have pleaded the US Fifth Amendment right not to self-incriminate himself, but he has to do that under oath". Here’s the strange thing. The General’s Green Card was renewed and he was allowed to return. Curiouser, curiuoser, a week after he returned (5 Nov 2009), he tendered his resignation. After the resignation became effective he announced his candidacy for the Presidency to affect a – visvasaniya venasak – credible change!
After his absolute denial in The Sunday Leader (20/12/ 2009) of his white flag surrender story (13/122009), he issued a denial-denial a week later at a meeting in Ratnapura, spewing venom again at the Defence Secretary. He used language one associates with rasthiyadu karayas – loiterers - rather than what would expect from someone who aspires to become head of state. "The Defence Secretary was indulging in vachala katha – loose nonsensical talk - issuing stupid orders, may be due to fact that he has been wearing his tie so tight for five years that he is unable to loosen it. There was talk among media people that he (Defence Secretary) had ordered people coming with white flags be killed." The General then made this remarkable declaration, "I am not going to push my chest forward and speak in defence of anyone". So could there be some substance in The Sunday Times editor’s speculation that the government may have been apprehensive that the General "might rat against his boss …[and] turn State Witness?" – in exchange for immunity from persecution and permanent residence?
The letter of resignation
Anyone who reads the General’s letter of resignation (12/11/ 2009) can sense its strong undertone of disappointment and bitterness. The General acknowledges that due to the trust and confidence the President had in him he was appointed him Commander of the Sri Lanka Army; that it was under his command that the army managed to eradicate the terrorist movement within 3 years and 7 months. He appreciates the fact that in recognition of his services he was promoted to the first ever serving four star general to command the Army.
It is in Annex A, that the General lists the grievances that led him to resign from the Army: the President had been influenced by rumours that he might be planning a coup; asked him to relinquish his post as Army Chief in spite of his request to be in command until the Army celebrated its 60th Anniversary; the President did not appoint as his successor, the officer he recommended; while acknowledging that his appointment as Chief of Defence Staff, was an appointment senior to that of the service commanders, the office entitled him to exercise merely coordinating responsibilities, but not the authority he desired, namely, overall command of the three armed forces; despite his expressed recommendation that the strength of the army should be increased, the President was of the opinion that with the end of the war, no further recruitment would be necessary. The refusal to give him overall command responsibilities, he laments, was most depressing after all what was performed to achieve war victory.
With hindsight, it appears the President had been right had been right in being cautious about giving in to the demands made by the General. Consider what the General was demanding: make him Chief of Defence staff with overall command of the armed forces, appoint an officer of his choice to succeed him as Army Chief; increase the strength of the army. Why?
DBS Jeyaraj and the Fonseka phenomenon
DBS has undoubtedly the best analysis of what he calls the ‘Fonseka Phenomenon’. It is required reading. The General himself admitted before he became an embittered man, that he had a mere twelve to go before he reached the mandatory retirement age. Jeyaraj writes, "There is unanimous opinion that Sarath Fonseka is a tough soldier and astute commander. He is a man of tremendous courage and remarkable military acumen. But there were other aspects to his character and military record that negated his prospects of being Army commander. Chief among them was an inflated ego of gigantic proportions. This resulted in a lot of friction earlier between Fonseka and his contemporaries. There was also Fonseka’s colossal arrogance. He fancied himself as a combination of Hannibal, Alexander, Julius Caesar, Napoleon and Rommel. In Sarath Fonseka’s self-perception he was Sri Lanka’s greatest military treasure and all glory was due to him alone. It was the "I, me., myself alone" syndrome."
Initially, "President Rajapaksa had been reluctant to appoint Fonseka but Gotabhaya got his brother to go ahead because Fonseka was the best man to lead the army at that point of time…After the first year Mahinda wanted to let Sarath go but again Gotabhaya intervened and stayed his brother’s hand".
To make Fonseka Army Chief, the President went so far as to replace the serving commander Major General Shantha Kottegoda, who was sent to Brazil as ambassador.
Fonseka’s deep seated animosity towards Karannagoda the navy chief is no secret. Jeyaraj notes, "Relations were rather strained though not ruptured between Air Force Chief Gunatilleke and Fonseka". In terms of seniority Admiral Karannagoda should have succeed Donald Perera to that office, but Fonseka who regarded the navy chief as his bete noire objected vehemently and wanted it for himself". The President explained matters to the Admiral an unpretentious man, not known for jockeying for position and acted to satisfy the General’s enormous ego but without giving him the far reaching powers he desired.
So how can one explain the General’s burning resentment towards especially towards the Defence Secretary? Jeyaraj suggests three reasons. In the first place, as the armed forces were booking successive victories against the enemy Fonseka began to resent taking instructions from a civilian who was once his junior in the Army. Gotabhaya would have to salute Fonseka as his superior officer. Now he would have to salute to Gotabhaya his former junior now his civilian superior. To his credit, says Jeyaraj, Gotabhaya, a former officer of the regular army, did not get his brother to make him a general or wear a uniform like Anuruddha Ratwatte, a former officer of the Army Volunteer Force, who got himself appointed a General by his niece Chandrika Kumaratunga. There were several instances, writes Jeyaraj of Sarath Fonseka shooting his mouth off about how galling it was for himself to salute the civilian Gotabhaya his junior in the army. These comments had been conveyed to Gotabhaya, "but Gotabhaya had stomached them and continued to work with Sarath as he felt that Fonseka was the best person to prosecute the war with the LTTE. It must be remembered that Gotabhaya was a man with a mission and was prepared to sup with even the devil till "mission accomplished".
Secondly, people recognized that Gotabhaya deserved much of the credit for the successful completion of the war. "It was he who planned out the military strategy and implemented it by coordinating and directing the entire military effort. He was the lynchpin that linked the defence establishment with the political executive".
Thirdly, writes Jeyaraj, an incident that occurred after the war ended, further widened the rift between Gotabhaya and Sarath: "Two shipments of ammunition and artillery shells ordered earlier arrived after the war ended. Gotabhaya turned them back saying they were unnecessary as the war was over." Why did this provoke the General’s wrath?
As a probable reason, Jeyaraj mentions something that was widely rumoured at the time. To know whether the rumour is true or not, one must wait and see if the much touted debate on a controversial issue will take place or not. The debate which was to take place last Friday night was subjected to a two hour long filibuster - the time reserved for the debate - by an acolyte of the General.
Fonseka began, and not so secretly, to meet with and express his indignation about the way he was being treated by the President to his political foes who fanned the flames of his resentments. The unction of flattery was applied to soothe his wounded ego; he was fit lead the nation’s new Salvation Army. Fonseka and the President’s foes – political has beens - were aware that in the general euphoria of war victory the President would be invincible in the political field. The General who said he was a professional soldier and would not tarnish his image by going into politics had begun to feel he was destined by the gods to takes his former Commander-in-Chief’s place. He played things close to his medalled chest, biding his time. The day of the hyenas has come. The General has declared, using a military metaphor, that he has launched his second campaign to realize his ambitions by non military means – regime change.
In a TV Ad, the General portrays himself benignly watching a child hoist the Lankan national flag. Damsels, heave and abandon their studies, village women, smiths, peasants, stop their toil to gush and rush. But behind the screen imagine the rising of the Stars and Stripes.
It’s the Hope of the Brave, stupid.
Home Unlabelled A General scorned
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