The battle for the spoils of war

By Dr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan

1. Introduction

(January 18, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The 30-year battle against terrorism has turned into a vicious battle for the spoils-of-war in recent times. This post-war phenomenon does not augur well for the people of Sri Lanka. In a strange quirk of history, what took place within the Tigers of the north since February 2004 is now taking place among the Lions of the south since May 2009. Cut-throat competition for the spoils-of-war between Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) and Sarath Fonseka (SF) in the aftermath of the total defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009, is reminiscent of the cut-throat competition for the spoils-of-peace (ceasefire) between Velupillai Pirapaharan (VP) and Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan (VM alias Karuna Amman) of the LTTE since the indefinite ceasefire of February 2002 and desertion of the latter in February 2004.

Karuna Amman, who was a “great hero” (Maveerar) due to his key role in major conventional military battles against the security forces, especially in the over-running of the Elephant Pass military garrison in April 2000, had become a “traitor” due to his refusal to abide by the summons served by his leader in the Wanni in early 2004. Karuna Amman expected some respect and reward for his substantial contribution to the victories of the LTTE in the battlefield, but was instead sidelined by his leader.

In the same way, MR sidelined SF immediately after the victory of the security forces against the LTTE in May 2009, for reasons best known to him, and branded him “traitor” after the latter became the common candidate of the opposition in the upcoming presidential election. The battle between the field commander and the supreme leader was finally resolved in favour of the hands-on commander who formed an alliance with the most unlikely partners at that time.

We are fully aware of the victor and the vanquished in the military tussle between VP and VM. The people of this country now await with baited breadth to see how the new battle for the laurel crown will be resolved now that the decorated General has crossed the Rubicon! Ooops! The Ambalangoda River, which he claims to have crossed hundreds of times as a young village lad.

Both Pirapaharan and Rajapaksa revelled in glorification of war; both are propaganda masters and cardboard heroes. Pirapaharan and Rajapaksa have never fought in the battlefield; yet they claim the wages of war. Both Pirapaharan and Rajapaksa have deviously (ab)used the successes in the battlefield for self-promotion, while being aloof from the battlefield themselves. Propaganda of the Rajapaksa government resembles that of the LTTE; such as hyper exaggerations, a pervasive culture of denial, half truths and blatant lies.

Furthermore, Tamil songs eulogising Rajapaksa that are broadcast frequently in the Tamil commercial service of the state-owned Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) in the past several months is reminiscent of the Voice of Tigers (VoT) airing songs eulogising Pirapaharan. With the exit of the “bunker raja” (VP) in the north, enters the “cut-out raja” (MR) in the south. Cut-outs of the President and billboards of the Rajapaksa family (including the 2010 calendar of the Rajapaksa family distributed free-of-charge to public servants) suggest that President Rajapaksa is more suited to become a Bollywood star than to become the President of this country.

2. Critical Issues facing Sri Lanka

There are three critical issues facing Sri Lanka at this crucial post-war juncture: which are (a) political resolution of the protracted ethnic conflict, (b) poor governance, and (c) the economic downturn. Let me evaluate the likely performance of the two main presidential candidates to address these critical issues.

(a) Political resolution of the ethnic conflict

Both the main candidates have not spelt out their policy towards resolution of the protracted ethnic conflict unambiguously and have been vague and evasive on this critical issue. On this score there is little hope for the people, whoever wins the upcoming election. Both the main candidates have made derogatory statements against the minority communities in this country at different time periods. However, Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa have not only used words but have taken action as well to denigrate the minorities, particularly Tamils.

We may forgive, but WILL NOT forget the illegal expulsion of Tamils from Colombo in 2007, which was rescinded only after a Supreme Court order. On the other hand, Sarath Fonseka, despite his occasional gaffes, has personally intervened to assign army personnel to protect the family of a murdered university student in Trincomalee in January 2006 (allegedly by naval personnel).

MR has not acted on resolving the ethnic conflict by political means in the past four years in office, despite giving repeated assurances to Tamils, India, and America. Further, MR has sabotaged the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) set-up by himself to evolve a majority consensus on the pressing issue of ethnic conflict. MR’s record in office has been characterised by establishing independent committees and commissions (APRC, independent commission to investigate human rights violations, etc.) and then sabotaging those processes himself.

Therefore, I would argue that, as regards the resolution of the ethnic conflict by peaceful political means, there is no hope with President Rajapaksa whereas there is at least a little hope with Sarath Fonseka. How could the people pin hopes on a President who has failed or lacks the political will to implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution (devolving powers to the provinces and establishment of provincial councils) that is already in the statutes book?

(b) Poor governance

Deteriorating rule-of-law and human rights violations in particular, and governance in general, and corruption at its peak have been the hallmarks of the Rajapaksa presidency. Although UNP-led governments also have had poor records on corruption, human rights violations, rule-of-law, and suppression of the media, the Rajapaksa regime has surpassed them. For instance, 14 journalists have been killed and a few others “disappeared” during the past four years of the Rajapaksa regime, which is unprecedented. Sarath Fonseka also has blood on his hands as regards suppression of the media, because of his alleged connection to violent attacks on two journalists, namely Keith Noyahr of The Nation and Namal Perera of the Sri Lanka College of Journalism.

The Rajapaksa joint-family has been on a course of protecting self-confessed murderers, human rights violators, and other law-breakers; prominent among them Minister Mervyn de Silva, who is the self-confessed person behind the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge (Founder Editor of The Sunday Leader) on January 8, 2009. At least an investigation should have been carried out on the public self-confession of Mervyn de Silva. The court case against the accused in the case of the murder of T. Maheswaran (a UNP Member of Parliament from Jaffna) is deliberately dragged on presumably to protect another minister in the government. The person suspected to be behind the kidnapping (and presumably killing) of the former vice-chancellor of the Eastern University has been elevated to the position of minister.

How can we trust the incumbent President who is adamantly refusing to implement the 17th Amendment to the Constitution (setting up of independent Public Service Commission, Judicial Commission, Police Commission and Elections Commission to de-politicise public institutions), which was unanimously passed by parliament in 2001 in a rare feat, even after the end of the war? On the issue of governance, SF should rely on wise counsel from the JVP rather than the UNP, which has a dismal record on this score.

(c) Economic downturn

Economic growth has been on a downward trend since 2006; when it peaked at 7.7% largely due to massive post-tsunami reconstruction work alluded to above and not because of the economic policies pursued by the Rajapaksa regime. The growth rate in 2007 was 6.8%, in 2008 it was 6.0% and in 2009 it is likely to be 4% (at most). Though the inflation rate has dropped dramatically during 2009, unemployment rate has begun to rise as predicted by economic theory.

The external sector has performed sluggishly in the past couple of years, forcing the government to borrow from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in mid-2009. The budget deficit, as a percentage of the GDP during 2009, is expected to be in double-digits for the first-time after 2001. Many other macroeconomic indicators have been deteriorating, while few have improved in the past couple of years.

Both candidates are making unrealisable promises to the electorate on economic benefits to the people if elected. These are mere election gimmicks. At least on this front, both main candidates are at the same level of deceiving the masses. However, as pointed out earlier, UNP could guide SF to shore up the economy with their relatively efficient management of the economy in the past.

Therefore, in the three critical issues facing the country, viz. conflict, governance, and economy, SF is likely to perform relatively better than MR, if elected. At least in the case of SF there is scope for hope, whereas in the case of MR there is NO hope.

3. Conclusion

Sarath Fonseka is being castigated for not having any political experience. I would argue that it is the single strength of SF. All the traditional politicians have failed the country and I would gamble on a non-traditional politician like SF. Politicians representing the two main political parties in Sri Lanka have been warming the seats of power for the past 62 years, dithering on taking decisions on pressing issues facing the country, and involving in self-seeking parochial politics.

It is time for a person above party politics to take the reins of the country. Besides, I wish there were many more public servants in Sri Lanka who would stand up to the tyranny of political authority like SF has done (I particularly wish we had an Elections Commissioner of the calibre of former Chief Election Commissioner of India, T.N. Sheshan).

It’s time to stand up to the tyranny of the Rajapaksa joint family rule in the same way a few of us in the Tamil community stood up against the fascism of the Tigers. We have to either make a decision to pawn the country to the Rajapaksa joint family or else decide to vote for positive change and hope. Whoever loses the election should bury the hatchet (of self-serving parochial politics) and lend his support to the victor to constructively and positively address the three critical issues facing the country — conflict, governance, and the economy.

Even if SF does not win the presidential election, if he could prevent the ruling party getting a two-thirds majority (which was a real possibility a few months ago) in the subsequent parliamentary elections he would have done a great service to the people. A two-thirds majority in parliament for the Rajapaksa joint family rule will most likely result in a lifetime president (a`la Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe) and repealing of the 13th and 17th Amendments to the Constitution.

At the age of 46, I am going to vote for the first time in my life. Hitherto, I did not feel that any of the candidates in past elections were worthy of my vote. However, this time around I would like to vote for a non-traditional politician who has a proven track record of active public service (as opposed to most public servants who largely warm their seats) and that gives me hope for positive change by breaking the UNP-SLFP duopoly in Sri Lankan politics.

I have NOT taken this decision because the UNP, JVP, or the TNA (all of whom have dubious track records in Sri Lankan politics) are supporting the common opposition candidate; instead I am supporting Sarath Fonseka, in gratitude for eliminating terrorism and fascism that had engulfed my community and the country at large.

(Dr. Muttukrishna Sarvananthan is the author of In Pursuit Of A Mythical State of Tamil Eelam [Third World Quarterly] and currently working on a book titled From Liberation To Terrorism: The Rise And Demise Of The Tamil Tigers In Sri Lanka.)