Douglas and the dilemma of the unit of devolution

“The successful and sustainable solution is based on equal rights, multiethnic communities and ethnic integration. Power devolution is about specific and targeted development/administration work best served in smaller units of devolution.”
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By Thomas Johnpulle

(August 12, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) Dayan Jayatilleka has written a detailed article on Douglas. These thought are in addition to it. What most people forget about this able politician is that his achievements are numerous. Essentially his achievements are the achievements of the Tamil people in the North. He has built more schools, hospitals, roads, community centres, recreation and library facilities than all the other Tamil political parties from the North since 1947 combined. That too came at a time when these facilities were needed most. LTTE and pro-LTTE political forces followed a sadistic approach towards public welfare. They thought if people can be kept under miserable conditions forever, they would revolt against the system and this revolt could then be turned into the Tamil Eelam struggle. For instance, TNA is not at all interested in development; it never showed any interest in development.


If Douglas Devananda had waited it out till the war finishes for development work, people of Jaffna and Vanni would have lived and died without seeing any of the good work he did. Carrying out these works amidst war was monumentally difficult. LTTE and pro-LTTE elements were hunting for him everywhere. From media to prisons, streets of Colombo to roads of rural Jaffna, from his home to office, they went after him. Got to him on 11 occasions but the nation was lucky not to lose this versatile hero. Douglas is very versatile. He is the only Tamil politician who successfully crossed the four phases of the conflict. More interestingly, he ascended in each of the four stages. He has seen the pre-LTTE era, he fought the LTTE until July 1987 when the Indo-Lanka Accord forced his group to give up, his EPDP was very active amidst ferocious battles between security forces and the LTTE and now his party is around when the LTTE has vanished from Lanka. There is no other Tamil politician with such a breadth of experience and staying power. His EPDP contested the 1994 General Election in the North when most other parties ran away from the challenge. It should be emphasised that he was fighting against the LTTE, not for the LTTE before the Indo-Lanka Accord, and, the North-East Provincial Council had no EPDP influence. Therefore the Indo-Lanka accord didn’t benefit the EPDP or the benefactors of its activities.

He and his party activists made a unique security contribution as well in helping armed forces track down infiltrators. This they did assuming grave danger to their lives and the lives of their loved ones. The 2002 CFA proved disastrous to peace-loving Tamil political activists. The basis of the CFA was that parties were to accept the LTTE as the sole representative of Tamils. After signing the CFA, LTTE executed this agreement, Tiger style. A large number of peaceful Tamil democratic activists got killed. Most of them were from the EPDP. Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) refused to take note of Tiger brutality. However, the EPDP survived till 2006 when its fortunes changed again. The ability to stay relevant and to sustain a fair amount of blows are hallmarks of their success story.

However, his work has just begun. His services are needed today more than ever. Tamil people cannot tell the TULF, TNA or LTTE about their urge to have a road, a school or a hospital repaired, but the EPDP always remained there. It must be encompassed into the much hyped political solution. Such a party would have more relevant demands from a political solution than those parties crying for unrealistic racial aspirations. Muslims and Sinhalas too have deep respect for Douglas. In fact he is the most respected Tamil politicians in the country today! This is an essential requirement for the reconciliation process. Further, he has experience working with both major political parties, the UNP and the SLFP. In contrast all the other Tamil parties only have a history of antagonism towards other parties.

Expecting a perfect politician is expecting too much. Obviously Douglas has his weaknesses but ranks highest among all other comparables. Modern democracy is based on choice, not utopia, and hence Douglas is the unchallenged leader of them. So called moderates are aplenty but hardly a handful of them are true moderates. The others’ moderation deserts them the moment they see an opportunity to make racially prejudiced demands.

Douglas is a Tamil politician. He represents Tamils from a region where 78 years of Tamil race-centred politics dominated and plagued by Tamil militancy for 34 years. Remnants of the LTTE are still active while the old political forces too are alive and kicking. In this context it is not possible for the Sinhalas to expect Douglas to become a Kadirgamar. A more pragmatic approach is needed to appreciate the involvement of Tamil parties in the reconciliation process.

Provincial level power sharing is not going to help the good work of the likes of Douglas as can be seen from the split result of the elections in Jaffna and Vavuniya, both from the Northern Province. Development goals of the northern province are completely different from one district to another in Vavuniya, Mannar, Mulaitivu/Kilinochchi and Jaffna. Pooling altogether will wipe out the likes of Douglas and EPDP.

If the JMC and VUC votes are added, as a guide, UPFA won 13,647 votes while the ITAK alone received 12,287 votes. Its other ideological affiliates got 5,317 while the TULF received only 1,007 votes. The combined result suggests a big victory for the ITAK and its allies in the case of a provincial election.

It should be remembered that EPDP had no representation in the 1988 North-East Provincial Council and has performed extremely badly in Vanni during General Elections. EPDP is also weak in outskirts of Jaffna. Winning the PC election is out of the question.

This is another reason why the 13 Amendment, as it is may not work. A smaller devolution unit is required. Winning Jaffna MC election is insignificant considering the challenges ahead. Alfred Duraiappa was the pro-government mayor of Jaffna in the 1970s. Yet he was easily put out of his way by extremists leaving no trace. This can happen politically as well if a proper unit of devolution is not established. The fate of the UNP Colombo mayor in the hands of the ambitious Chief Minister of Western Province in 1993/94 is a case in point. This is exactly what will happen to the EPDP if the devolution unit remains the province.

The 13-A, without a proper unit of devolution, is a rickshaw to Tamil Eelam with the comforts of taxpayer money and Indian protectionism all to protect the whims of the councillors who are likely to be from the ITAK and its affiliates. A PC cannot be dissolved, suspended or otherwise hindered just because a certain group wins it! If at all the Northern PC is dissolved due to another Perumal 1989 event, the international community will be gunning for more powers to the PC and less to the centre. Supporters of the 13-A will then become hardliners & extremists overnight while the new moderates will be talking about an 18th Amendment based on the Kosovo model of self-determination.

The successful and sustainable solution is based on equal rights, multiethnic communities and ethnic integration. Power devolution is about specific and targeted development/administration work best served in smaller units of devolution. District being the unit of election for the national parliament, it is ridiculous the next (lower) level of power vests with the province which is a collection of a number of districts. If we want to keep the north-south bridge open, devise an appropriate unit of devolution.

-Sri Lanka Guardian