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by Lynn Ockersz
(May 16, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) By entering a capitalist government that year and compromising on our non-racist policy we lost the support of the minorities as well as the respect of intellectuals. We lost our standing in the country’s politics as well as our identity. Having entered a capitalist government, we could not dissociate ourselves from its activities. Thus, we had to march in the government’s May Day rallies when government supporters vociferously yelled, racist slogans. Consequently, we could not draw back the social forces which left us after thus having made compromises with a capitalist government, particularly after making compromises with communalism.
After having played a notable and effective role in Sri Lanka’s politics since the early decades of the last century, and after having ‘starred’ brilliantly in many a mass campaign for the resolving of public issues and needs, the ‘traditional’ Left political parties of this country –LSSP and CP- today give the impression of being spent forces. They are no longer widely viewed as making a substantial contribution to local politics. Should the Left be written off as being both ‘down and out’ or should the hope be entertained that the Left could come into its own once again and prove an independent, dynamic force of positive change? This is the question students of local politics need to grapple with.
Veteran trade unionist and Ceylon Mercantile Union Secretary General P. Bala Thampoe did not mince his words when called on by this journalist to comment on the effectiveness of the Left or the lack of it. ‘The Left now has been eliminated by huge cross-overs to the Right…..There is no substantial organization which could be identified as the Left. All that we have now is a huge reactionary Right. The working class, however, exists but there is no political party which could be said to represent it." The immediate focus and backdrop to these comments is the gradual diminishing of the Left as a result of it opting to enter into coalitions with Rightist governments and in serving these governments compliantly, as seems to be happening at present. Today, both the LSSP and CP are coalition partners of the ruling UPFA, which could be described as a hotch-potch of centrist, narrowly nationalistic and Rightist political parties. This tendency has intensified since 1994, although the Left had never been hesitant to form what could be described as compromising alliances with the political Right even prior to the PA electoral triumph of that year.
Leader of the Nawa Sama Samaja Party (NSSP), Dr Wickremabahu Karunaratne., who we would be quoting more extensively later, had this to say of the ‘traditional’ Left: ‘Those Left parties which collaborate with the government we do not take into account and consider important. They are there as a nominal force. They are used by the government. The APRC, for example, in which some Left parties have some representation, is a kind of rubber stamp body. If the government wants it to accept a document, it has to only send it to the APRC and it would be accepted. The more important elements in these Left parties have left these organizations and only the pro-government elements are remaining in them. So, I don’t think these parties can play an important role in the current political situation.’
But what are the root causes of the decline of the ‘Old Left ’in the politics of this country, how has it come to lose its voice and its independence? Senior LSSPer and politburo member Lal Wijenayake was forthright in his comments: "Degeneration could be said to have spread in the traditional Left most markedly from 1964. By entering a capitalist government that year and compromising on our non-racist policy we lost the support of the minorities as well as the respect of intellectuals. We lost our standing in the country’s politics as well as our identity. Having entered a capitalist government, we could not dissociate ourselves from its activities. Thus, we had to march in the government’s May Day rallies when government supporters vociferously yelled, racist slogans. Consequently, we could not draw back the social forces which left us after thus having made compromises with a capitalist government, particularly after making compromises with communalism.
"Today, as a result of aligning with the government we are forced to work with parties like the JHU and JVP. Consequently, although the LSSP is for federalism or something close to it, we are not in a position to put forward our views openly. Nevertheless, even now, there are sections within the LSSP and CP which say we have to maintain our identity and not be part of the government. Some space remains for the Left to act independently in the present situation. We should be independent and retain our identity.
What, then, is preventing the Left from taking an independent path? ‘We have been reluctant to come out with certain things about our parties but we now feel the time’s right to enlighten the people on these matters’, Wijenayake said.’ The truth is that more than half the number of LSSP and CP politburo members are paid employees of the government. Some of these persons are advisers and consultants to the state. As a result they have a vested interest in not leaving the government. Consequently, the independence of our parties is affected.
‘This never happened in 1964 or 1970. In those times our members never enlisted in state service, unless essential. Today, things have changed to our detriment. This is in complete contrast to the policy of the Communist Party of India which does not have its members being obliged in any way to the Indian government, although it backs the government. This enables the Indian CP to remain independent and influence state policy but not be influenced in turn in any way by the central government’.
‘The extent to which the LSSP and CP have lost their independence was brought out in the run-up to the recent Eastern Provincial Council poll. Although the Left was to contest the Ampara district in alliance with certain moderate Tamil parties, this arrangement was called off at the last minute as a result of pressure being brought on us by a powerful government politician’, Wijenayake explained.
However, what may seem to be a different point of view of the Left teaming-up with the UPFA, was outlined by veteran Left politician, Secretary, Democratic Left Front and Vice President of the Socialist Alliance, Vasudeva Nanayakkara. He said although his party was in alliance with the UPFA, his party opposed the SLFP’s alliance with the JHU and the JVP. ‘Nevertheless’, he said, ‘we are still there’. This is because he believes ‘the progressive forces are with the UPFA". He said his party’s rationale to be with the government was to ‘remain with these progressive democratic forces as against right wing political and reactionary forces led by the UNP".
However, while ‘addressing this thick layer of Left progressive political forces within the UPFA’, Nanayakkara said his party was for consolidating ties with Left political forces everywhere including those in the Tamil and Muslim communities. ‘Uniting forces of the common people spread across the communities’ is their aim.
Although the Left opinions surveyed thus far reveal a diversity of views on the ineffectiveness or otherwise of the Left and the strategies, tactics that need to be adopted to take the Left agenda forward, there is near agreement that there is an abundance of work waiting to be done by the Left; that is, there is yet ‘space’ for the Left in local politics. The Left still has opportunities to bounce back into contention as a progressive force.
"The Left should re-assert a Left, democratic, progressive, political agenda’, says Professor Jayadeva Uyangoda, Senior Lecturer in Political Science, University of Colombo.’ "The space for Left progressive intervention in local politics is not totally erased. Unfortunately, the Left is subservient to the ideological agenda of the Lankan state. For instance, the state is giving preference to a military solution over a political solution or thinking that a political solution should follow a military solution. A narrowly nationalist agenda seems to have taken over now. This is a direct challenge to the position of the Left’.
Outlining an agenda for the Left, Uyangoda said that the principle of peace by political means should be advocated. Besides, the state reform agenda must be taken forward as part of a democratization programme. Lanka’s democratization process has been incomplete and part of that incompleteness is the ethnic conflict.
The Left should also put forward a political programme for all communities. In the country’s political discourse, the ‘Left can still command respect and intellectual leadership. The Left is not claiming that leadership. It should be remembered, that a socialist discourse provides a language which all communities could share’ Uyangoda said.
This optimism that the Left still has some ‘space’ to operate in was shared by others too. Dr. Wickremabahu Karunaratne, for instance, referred to the possibilities in joint trade union action for the furtherance worker rights. ‘There are some like-minded smaller political parties ,Bala Thampoe, bank unions etc, with whom we are teaming up for joint trade union action. For some time now, the NSSP has been working with the trade union movement for the furtherance of common goals.
"Our’s is a two-pronged approach. Internally, we are waiting for the masses to break away from the state and get into our campaigns on issues, such as, rising prices, the war, global capitalist intervention and MNC thinking. On that basis we expect strikes and other forms of agitation. Some media organizations, which are really a powerful section, are prepared to fight with us. We have developed links with trade unions in the estate and fisheries sectors too.
"In addition we have launched an international campaign’, the NSSP leader said .’We have already got in touch with some socialist parties in other parts of the world. In most European countries they command more than five percent of the vote. In the French election , for instance, our organization won more than 10 percent. In some countries, the major parties are dependent on socialist parties. Even Lula Da Silva of Brazil was forced into a second round and he won because of our support. Likewise in other states.
‘Meanwhile, radical socialist parties worldwide have come together to sign a document of co-operation. Even the Indian Communist Party has expressed support. Most of these parties are critical of the Lankan government. We want to take the people on to our side and force the government to go for discussions to end our conflict. We don’t believe we can come to power but we can be a substantial pressure group. Tamil groups are prepared to work with us. If we tighten our links with Tamil and Muslim groups, we could be a coalition which could provide an alternate path or an alternative government. This is our perspective’, Karunaratne explained.
Said the LSSP"s Lal Wijenayake:’Today, it has to be a Left-spearheaded international movement against neo-liberalism. The issues are aplenty in which the Left could intervene. Some of these are: increasing poverty, threats to the natural environment, transfer of technology to developing countries, Palestine and Iraq. On all such issues the Left could lead.’
The crux of the issue, indeed, seems to be leadership. The observer cannot be faulted for believing that the local Left has ceased to produce leaders who could adopt a people-centred vision and work selflessly towards it, thrusting aside the blandishments of governments. The Lankan Left needs to draw inspiration from Latin America, where pro-people governments are increasingly coming into existence. Some of the issues in Latin America could hardly be different from those in this part of the world. One of these is poverty. Hopefully, poverty would enable the pro-poor parties of the world to unite.
- Sri Lanka Guardian
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