(May 15, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The JVP through the impossible demands made on the Chandrika government and the Rajapaksa government, made it quite clear that it was not interested in being a part of the government for any length of time. It has a history of always trying to impose its will and get its way through blackmail at times. Its idea of a coalition was limited to winning an election and the principal of majority decision making as propounded now to Wimal Weerawansa, was not evident in its relationship within the perspective coalitions. The intention was to blackmail, intimidate and get out if it did not get what it wanted.
Wimal Weerawansa has been accused by the JVP hierarchy of not toeing the majority line by either going against decisions by the politburo or simply keeping silent. Indeed, the basic tenets of democracy demand that whatever one's personal views are, the majority decision should prevail.
How nice it would be if this principle is always followed to the letter? We would not have splits anywhere or crossovers from one party to another. Non-adherence to it is trotted out as one of the excuses for pillorying Weerawansa with innuendos about guest houses and rest houses et al provoking some quarters to suggest that people in glass houses should be careful in undressing. Be that as it may, the majority decision issue is certainly not a one-way street. JVP MP and trade unionist, Lal Kantha started the ball rolling in this regard. He is the least qualified to complain considering the fact that the membership of the trade unions he and the JVP in general control, has absolutely no say on any strike, go-slow or sick-note decision taken. The membership has to follow their dictates like cattle whatever the consequences, whether they are in agreement or not. And woe be unto those who dare to disagree, as the treatment meted out to the Weerawansa group recently has amply proved.
The membership is subject to decisions taken by a coterie of persons who are die-hard members of the JVP at the beck and call of the politburo or central committee. This system is not peculiar to the JVP. It is common to all trade unions controlled by political parties. It was so in the past, it is so at present and it will be so in the future unless and until the general membership is given the right to vote (secret ballot) for a resolution calling for trade union action of a serious nature. The question can be raised similarly with regard to the frequent disruptions in universities and the thuggery and intimidation which follow preventing even those who are not in the particular union from following lectures. So pray, where is the democracy that Somawansa, Lal Kantha, A. K. Dissanayake and company have been talking about? It is an open secret that the democratic processes generally available in the two main political parties are not in existence within the JVP. In fact, this has had an infectious effect on the UNP as well judging from the disclosures made by the Karu Jayasuriya group which crossed over to the government. Those who shout themselves hoarse about democracy and democratic processes do not practice what they preach. If the disclosures made about Rohana Wijeweera and the reasons for the failure of JVP uprisings as narrated by dissidents are anything to go by, it is manifestly clear that there had been absolute regimentation and the complete absence of democratic discussion and decision-making. The JVP is, therefore, least qualified to preach pious platitudes about adherence to majority decisions.
Democratic processes
The JVP through the impossible demands made on the Chandrika government and the Rajapaksa government, made it quite clear that it was not interested in being a part of the government for any length of time. It has a history of always trying to impose its will and get its way through blackmail at times. Its idea of a coalition was limited to winning an election and the principal of majority decision making as propounded now to Wimal Weerawansa, was not evident in its relationship within the perspective coalitions. The intention was to blackmail, intimidate and get out if it did not get what it wanted. Compromise was not a word in its vocabulary. This is not to say that the majority party in the respective coalitions, also did not use its majority unreasonably, sometimes through its Executive President, to bulldoze the JVP and other minority partners without democratic processes being followed.
Yet, there was hardly a need for the JVP to part company with the respective coalitions on disagreements unless and until all meaningful steps had been taken to convince the coalition partners of its point of view. It had in the main a duty and an obligation to the electorate not to rock the boat until all avenues available have been explored. The P-Toms issue is a case in point. Was it necessary for them to leave the government? Could they not have contested it in Court, without leaving the government? Subsequently, having gone all-out in MR's presidential election' campaign, it refused to join his government despite several overtures which compelled the President to strengthen his position by taking in the UNP reformists. The JVP needs to take the entire blame for this and the resultant jumbo cabinet. The modus operandi of the JVP throughout is clear. It is not the country that the JVP was mostly concerned about but its own advancement as a political party through attempts to score brownie points with the electorate. And now, they have the audacity to preach about adherence to majority decisions!
Political alignments
The charges and countercharges made between the Somawansa group and the Weerawansa group about alignment with the government and the UNP respectively, are hilarious. The re-alignment of forces within the JVP was evident for sometime now. Lal Kantha began singing the praises of Ranil W. giving the latter a certificate for his integrity and how one could listen to him for hours and gain political and historical knowledge. These strange public pronouncements have to be seen in the backdrop of the great assistance Sirisena Cooray is reported to have given Somawansa for his exit out the country at a critical period for him, Ranil W's threat to arraign him before the law if the UNP comes to power, the decline of the popularity of the government and the possibility of a snap election. rawansa's conduct seems to be more practical in the context of the pledges and hopes given to the people at the Presidential election and the need to support the President in this critical stage of the war, while keeping the UNP at bay. The balance of probability is in favour of Weerawansa's contention that the Somawansa group (at least three of them as he contends) have been courting the UNP. Weerawansa's contribution to the JVP is accepted by the country, despite anything the rival group has to say belittling it. In the interests of the country, the JVP has to democratize itself, if it is to gain the confidence of the people.
- Sri Lanka Guardian
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