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by Rawee
(February 17, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Does the portrayal of Dutugamunu as Sri Lanka’s warrior-king in the ancient documentations, relate only half the story? Maha Vamsa’ written some 700 years after Dutugamunu (BC l01-BC 77), sourcing information of older literature - Thupa Vamsa and Rohana Vamsa devoted 11 of its 37 chapters to Dutugamunu. Deepavamsa’s account comparatively was very brief.
His passionate desire to capture Pihiti Rata from the Chola king - Elara, his military might and the spectacular events surrounding the most famous war in Sri Lanka’s history, enriched ancient literature, folk tales and legends. Sihalavasthu and Sadharmalankara, written much later, derived its information on Dutugamunu from this abundance of folklore.
But, did these ancient authors realise that this war-hero encountered a challenge unparalleled in Sri Lanka’s history as he had to fight a fair and a just king? Dutugamunu therefore, while challenging Elara militarily, also had the task to justify his military action to the people of Pihiti Rata who were basically content under the rule of a fair and a just king. This called Dutugamunu to look for lapses in the enemy and a closer study of the historical events illustrates that the warrior countered such shortcomings by tactfully devising sensitive strategies and waging a psychological warfare - an aspect missed out by the ancient authors!
Elara, who conquered Pihiti Rata in BC 205 and reigned for 44 years, was renowned as a righteous ruler. Although history relates instances of pillage, looting, harassment of people, forced taxation and destruction of Buddhist, national and cultural assets by South Indian invaders in the later years of Sri Lanka’s history, Elara, the second South Indian king to rule Sri Lanka, stood out with his clean record of refraining from resorting to such acts.
Therefore, if we may compare the Elara-Dutugamunu encounter with those confronted by kings in later years such as that of Valagambahu, Dhatusena, Vijayabahu 1 and a host of others, we find that those differed as they waged war against the Chola, Pandya or Kalinga marauders despised by the Sinhala subjects. If we take the case of Vijayabahu I, around 1037 AD, the then powerful Chola Emperor Shri Vijaya defeated the last king of Anuradhapura and ruled Sri Lanka by proxy through a ruthless Chola general based in Polonnaruwa. Taxes were forced out of Lankan subjects. Buddhism was wiped out that Vijayabahu on ascending to power had to bring monks from Burma to re-establish Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Therefore, Prof. Senarath Paranavitane writes that when Vijayabahu emerged to fight the Cholas, Sinhala army generals as well as the people of Pihiti Rata rallied round him. Dutugamunu on the contrary, had the disadvantage of having to fight a king not rejected by the people.
It was speculated by the panellists during the Swarnavahini programme - "History of the Sinhalese" that Elara may have been a follower of Jainism which explains his extreme sympathetic conduct as Jains followed the "avihimsa" principal and further, there is no historical evidence to say that he built Hindu kovils in Pihiti Rata which could also be cited in support of this view.
Elara’s installation of a bell at the entrance to his palace to access him in case of any injustice perpetrated on his subjects and his ruling of death-sentence to his own son on a complaint made by a poor woman were said to be in keeping with the Jain tradition. The incident however, spread far and wide and greatly attributed to his reputation of being a righteous king.
What was not documented was this Chola king’s impartiality that was evident even in the crucial field of defence and security. Maha Vamsa, giving an extensive account of Dutugamunu’s war-march to Anuradhapura, mentions 18 names of Elara’s generals who were vanquished by Dutugamunu’s troops while they were guarding the Pihiti-Ruhuna boundary along the southern Mahaweli river bank. Today’s historical analysts point out that according to Maha Vamsa. Elara’s frotranking generals - Dheegajanthu, Mithra and Dheegabhaya, had made valiant efforts to prevent Dutugamunu from crossing the Mahaweli. Therefore, between Mahiyanganaya and Dammunuruwa, Dutugamunu’s troops had faced severe confrontations with Dutugamunu ending up however, capturing all 28 fortresses after bitter fighting.
Names such as Dheegabhaya, Dheegajanthu, Mithra, Channa, Gamini, Nalitha, Baahu, Nanditha reveal analysts say, that Elara had not only Cholas but Sinhala army generals as well, placed in the most responsible defence positions. Their loyalty to the Chola king could by gauged by the fact that no instances had been mentioned of any defections of Elara’s generals or troops. Whereas, historians say that Dheegabhaya senevi, mentioned in the Maha Vamsa as killed by Dutugamunu, could be the son of King Kavantissa by a lesser queen Kavantissa had sent to the strategic river- port on Mahaweli southern river bank — Kachchathiththa with a detachment and who later decamped.
Dheegabhaya besides, had attempted to prejudice the minds of kings of minor kingdoms such as Lona, Seru and Soma against Dutugamunu and win their allegiance to Elara. If this was so, we find that even generals, related to the Sinhala royalty, resorted to strategies in support of Elara!
In the department of defence, Elara, had also maintained close contacts with South India. He may have contracted with the South Indian rulers that troops be sent in the event of attack. The message may have reached South India too late as his nephew Bhalluka had arrived from South India with his army soon after Elara’s defeat, only to be annihilated by Dutugamunu. How would Dutugamunu had handled if Bhalluka and his army arrived on time?
It is however evident that Elara’s army could not withstand Dutugamunu’s highly trained, motivated, superior troops. Nevertheless, as analysts point out, the mentioning of fortresses along the strategic entry-points to Pihiti Rata in the Maha Vamsa, the positioning of troops for guarding the entire southern boundary of Pihiti Rata headed by army-generals and other modus-operandi which come to light through detailed accounts of Dutugamunu’s military operations, illustrate that Elara had taken extensive measures to halt advances into his territory.
And the description of Dutugamunu’s initial onslaught reveal that Elara had a line-up of fortresses ahead of the main fortress at Vijithapura which may have been to obstruct the path to Vijithapura! The breaking down of the iron door of Elara’s fortress Vijithapura, where Dutugamunu had to seek the assistance of his militarily trained elephant "Kandula" and described as a great feat illustrates once again the efforts Elara had taken to strengthen the fortress and its entrance.
Critics of Elara say that Elara made a seemingly valiant effort to show he was just and fair and although he was a non-Buddhist, gave alms to Buddhist monks at the palace to win the acceptance of the people.
Would he go to the extent of ordering death penalty to his own son if he was not just and fair? And, was it not acceptable that Elara, pretended to do service to Buddhism in order to please the Sinhala Buddhists who formed the bulk of the people in Pihiti Rata, rather than destroy Buddhism? Quoting from Maha Vamsa, Professor Mendis Rohanadheera mentions of an incident where the wheel raced away from Elara’s carriage towards a holy shrine damaging a wall, which Elara immediately attended to.
However, although Elara himself had the reputation of being righteous, certain incidents mentioned in ancient documentations reveal that there were Chola generals who did not respect Buddhism or places of Buddhist worship and this forced Buddhist monks and people of Pihiti Rata to go south.
Why did ancient literature, portray Kavantissa as a weakling? His reluctance to wage war against Elara which prompted Dutugamunu to send his father women’s clothes was an incident ancient authors took advantage of to evoke humour. Was this done to blow up Dutugamunu’s greatness at the expense of Kavantissa? Analysis of present historians bring up a contrasting portrayal of Kavantissa. They point out the fact that Kavantissa taught his sons the martial arts at a very young age, kept his ears to the ground and found the ten giants ("Yodha" the panellists of the to programme said is derived from the word "Yudha") and trained them as well as the troops, the elephants and the horses which illustrates that Kavantissa had prepared the groundwork necessary for the ensuing war and therefore, his name has to figure as a major contributor towards the victory. And the fact that the ten giants did not participate in the war between the two brothers-Dutugamunu and Tissa display to whet an extent King Kavantissa had induced discipline during the training.
Kavantissa may have been well aware of Elara’s goodwill towards his people and of his fair play as well as measures he had taken tv fortify his defence-system and therefore, may not have been in a hurry to go to the battlefront until he was fully prepared. This was unlike Dutugamunu, the man who was in a hurry. Kavantissa besides, may have realised that Dutugamunu was unstoppable in his pursuance of his dream to capture Pihiti Rata. However, Kavantissa’s initial military-preparations, certainly made Dutugamunu’s task easier when he ultimately launched his war-effort - a factor suppressed or overlooked by ancient authors.
Besides, we find that Kavantissa was a tactician par excellence and a long-term strategist and no ancient chronicle had recognised this fact. It was Kavantissa who was responsible for uniting Ruhuna under one rule which saved Dutugamunu time and energy from having to wage war within Ruhuna but pool all resources towards the principle battle. Kavantissa brought under his control all independent kingdoms such as Giri, Malaya, Seru, Lona and Soma and of significance was that some of these states were located on the way to Pihiti Rata. Dutugamunu as a result? did not confront Opposition in the Ruhuna during his long march to Anuradhapura. Kavantissa achieved this with shrewed tactical manoeuvring as illustrated by Prof. Mendis Rohanadheera during the last Swarnavahini programme when he related as to how Kavantissa with his participation in the enshrinement of relics at Seru Viharaya, won the allegiance of heads of Seru and other surrounding minor kingdoms.
Why didn’t Maha Vamsa author mention of Tissa, Dutugamunu’s brother accompanying the march to Anuradhapura, whereas, this is documented in other contemporary literature? Is it yet another attempt to heap credit of the victory only on Dutugamunu? Monk Mahanama, the author of Maha Vamsa was obviously grateful to Dutugamunu for promoting Theravada Buddhism of which sect he himself was a disciple and may have excluded from his documentations all who crossed Dutugamunu’s path.
However, Dutugamunu on his part too would certainly have been aware of Elara’s favourable reputation. "Chara Purusha Sevaya" (intelligence network) formed a vital component in the ancient Royal Court. Therefore, it required Dutugamunu not only to prepare militarily but to wage a tactical war and when looking for shortcomings in the enemy in order to counter them what he perceived was that Elara- the non-Buddhist, may not have destroyed Buddhism but he did not foster Buddhism.
Anuradhapura was the most hallowed city enshrined with the Sacred Sri Maha Bodhiya. King Devanampiyatissa had built the Lovamahapaaya - the seven-storied building for the monks in the Mahamevuna Uyana which surround the Sacred Tree in order that monks live in close proximity to the shrine to carry out the numerous religious rites. The Sinhala Buddhist kings had devotedly carried out those traditions of worship and rituals of the Sacred Tree with the utmost reverence. For the protection of the Sacred Tree and to foster Buddhism, the patronage of a Buddhist monarch in Anuradhapura was compulsory.
Dutugamunu, the devout Buddhist he was, to drive home the point of his intentions, named as his war-slogan that his exercise was to foster Buddhism which Elara failed to do. And to make this meaningful, he invited 600 monks to accompany the troops to the battlefront. The troops taking 3 routes, converged at Mahiyanganaya, where, at this first confrontation, Dutugamunu’s troops defeated those of Elara’s. After the defeat, Dutugamunu’s troops continued to stay at Mahiyanganaya for three months, during which time, they reconstructed and improved the Mahiyanganaya and Muthiyanganaya dagobas before proceeding northwards - proving further his slogan that his exercise was to foster Buddhism!
But visualize the scenario when 600 monks accompany battle-hard, spear-carrying troops, beating war-drums and shrieking war-cries. Dutugamunu’s devotion to Buddhism was seen when he built "Mirisavetiya" in Anuradhapura on a later date, to overcome a failure of having partaken of a "mirishodda" before offering it to the monks. Therefore, observances of all rituals in the offering of alms and all other "aavatheva"’ and observances would have had to be carried out religiously while on the march which meant the inclusion of special "arakkemi" and other attendants in the army - certainly a laborious task. And this besides attending to the provision of meals and numerous other requirements needed by an army!
Although most of the Buddhist monks had gone to Ruhuna due to the absence of patronage of a Buddhist king in the Pihiti Rata, there had been some living in Anuradhapura under Elara’s rule as the rituals of the Sacred Tree had to be carried out. But their numbers evidently had been small and the observances basic. The arrival of six hundred monks all at once in Anuradhapura, chanting pirith sangayana and attending directly to the numerous rituals of the Bo Tree, may certainly have created a deep impression in the people that Buddhism was once again flourishing in Anuradhapura. History also mentions of a special pooja Dutugamunu - the devout Buddhist had made on his arrival at the Sacred Tree spending 100,000 gold "kaasi" surpassing all poojas held up to that time.
Why was Queen Vihara Maha Devi taken on this war-march? Perhaps this was the only occasion in Sri Lanka’s history when a Queen accompanied an Army to the battlefront? Boosting the morale of the troops would not have been the only purpose of Dutugamunu of her inclusion in the march. She was greatly revered by the people. Fables were spun around her bravery and her arrival from Kelaniya. Dutugamunu was shrewd enough to realise the impact the revered Queen would make in Anuradhapura and Vihara Maha Devi, a devout Buddhist herself, may have led the way on reaching Anuradhapura on the religious mission besides seeing to the welfare of the people.
Further, Dutugamunu’s decree that nobody else but only he would fight Elara on the battlefront which was a honourable tradition in warfare that a king must be fought by a king, may have been to show the recognition of the respect he as well as the people had for Elara? Nevertheless, Dutugamunu would have further earned the respect of the people when he gave instructions that all must pay respects to Elara’s tomb when passing it, and for having erected it at a very prominent place.
It is accepted that Dutugamunu conducted the most professional war in history. And this is against the background that Dutugamunu had no access to any knowledge on military-affairs with no major war having taken place before him except for the battle conducted by Pandukabhaya against his uncles. It is particularly worthy to mention that had Dutugamunu coupled with his military might not resorted to psychological warfare to fight a righteous king and united Sri Lanka under one monarch, this might have been an opening for South lndian rulers to establish themselves in Sri Lanka and thus deprived us from experiencing a golden age in history.
And, with the extensive services Dutugamunu rendered to Buddhism once he took over the reign of Sri Lanka, he proved in no uncertain terms that the patronage of a Buddhist king was compulsory to foster Buddhism in the country.
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