Response to Terrorism in South Asia

"Paradoxically, some of the same forces of globalization – the evolution of technology, the mobility of capital and so on – which have led to the decline or collapse of the Westphalian state order are also the source of our greatest dangers. Our major threats today are from non-state actors, from trans-boundary effects of the collapse of the state system, or, at least, of its inadequacy."

by: Shivshankar Menon

(December, 18, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) I am delighted to inaugurate this foreign policy dialogue with the International Institute of Strategic Studies London, which was initiated earlier this year. The IISS has played a significant role in shaping international discourse on strategic issues and I am happy to note that it is now concentrating on Asia. In April IISS will organize a major conference on India. Such occasions offer a useful opportunity for experts and scholars to exchange and analyze views on the series of strategic issues that confront us.

Today’s one-day dialogue will engage on three subjects: the strategic shape of the world, international terrorism and energy security. All three are crucial to whether or not we in India achieve the basic goals we have set our foreign policy: of enabling the transformation of India. In fact, today more than ever, the outside world will affect India’s future. Measured by any criterion, the proportion of GDP linked to foreign trade, the role of foreign investment and technology and India’s need for energy, markets and raw materials, we are more connected to the rest of the world than ever before. The strategic shape of the world and the issues that you will consider are therefore central to our concerns.

The strategic shape of the world

It is sometimes said that what you see depends on where you stand. Looking at the world from India, it often seems that we are witness to the collapse of the Westphalian state system and a redistribution in the global balance of power leading to the rise of major new powers and forces. Our shorthand for this phenomenon is the rather inadequate word globalization. Equally, the twin processes of globalization and economic inter-dependence have resulted in a situation where Cold War concepts like containment have very little relevance. The interdependence brought about by globalization puts limits beyond which tensions among the major powers cannot escalate. What seems likely, and is in fact happening, is that major powers come together to form coalitions to deal with issues where they have a convergence of interests, despite differences in broader approach. In other words, what we see is the emergence of a global order marked by the preponderance of several major powers, with minimal likelihood of direct conflict amongst these powers. The result is a de-hyphenation of relationships with each other, of each major power engaging with all the others, in a situation that might perhaps be described as “general un-alignment”.

We see the evolving situation as one in which there is an opportunity for India. As a developing country, the consistent objective of our foreign policy has been and remains poverty eradication and rapid and inclusive economic development. If we are to eradicate mass poverty by 2020, we need to keep growing our economy at 8-10% each year. This requires a peaceful and supportive global environment in general and a peaceful periphery in particular. We have therefore attempted since independence to expand India’s strategic space, thus strengthening our strategic autonomy. In practice this has meant the increasing autonomy of decision-making of India on issues that are of importance to us, what our first Prime Minister Nehru used to call our “enlightened self-interest”.

Today the international situation has made possible the rapid development of our relationships with each of the major powers, and this is apparent in developments over the last few years. Equally important have been two other necessary conditions for this rapid development which have given India space to work in: India’s rapid economic and social transformation. As a result of twenty five years of 6% growth, our reforms since 1991, India is today in a position to engage with the world in an unprecedented manner. Our engagement with the global economy is growing rapidly, with trade in goods and services now exceeding US$ 330 billion. Our needs from the world have changed, as has our capability. India can do and consider things that we could not do or consider twenty years ago. This is reflected in how India perceives its own future, its ties with its neighbourhood and its approach to the larger international order. The second necessary condition which has obtained to a greater or lesser extent is our attempt to build a peaceful periphery within which India’s transformation can take place.

Paradoxically, some of the same forces of globalization – the evolution of technology, the mobility of capital and so on – which have led to the decline or collapse of the Westphalian state order are also the source of our greatest dangers. Our major threats today are from non-state actors, from trans-boundary effects of the collapse of the state system, or, at least, of its inadequacy.

(Parenthetically, the doctrine of absolute sovereignty created by the strong European states and rulers in earlier centuries is now the last defence of the weak against the string.)

Looking ahead, the real factors of risk that threaten systemic stability come from larger, global issues like terrorism, energy security and environmental and climate change. With globalization and the spread of technology the threats have also globalised and now span across borders. These are issues that will impact directly on India’s ability to grow and expand our strategic autonomy. It is also obvious that no single country can deal with these issues alone. They require global solutions. Hence the importance of what you will discuss about the strategic shape of the world.

International Terrorism

Among these global threats, international terrorism remains a major threat to peace and stability. We in India have directly suffered the consequences of the linkages and relationships among terrorist organizations, support structures and funding mechanisms, centered upon our immediate neighborhood, and transcending national borders. Any compromise with such forces, howsoever pragmatic or opportune it might appear momentarily, only encourages the forces responsible for terrorism. Large areas abutting India to the west have seen the collapse of state structures and the absence of governance or the writ of the state, with the emergence of multiple centres of power. The results, in the form of terrorism, extremism and radicalism are felt by us in India.

Energy Security

As for energy security, this is one issue which combines an ethical challenge to all societies with an opportunity to provide for the energy so necessary for development. For India, clean, convenient and affordable energy is a critical necessity if we are to improve the lives of our people. Today, India’s per-capita energy consumption is less than a third of the global average. (Our per capita consumption is only 500 kgoe compared to a global average of nearly 1800 kgoe). For India a rapid increase in energy use per capita is imperative to realize our national development goals.

Global warming and climate change require all societies to work together. While the major responsibility for the accumulation of green house gasses in the atmosphere lies with the developed countries, its adverse affects are felt most severely by developing countries like India. When we speak of ‘shared responsibility’, it must include the international community’s shared responsibility to ensure the right to development of the developing countries. Development is the best form of adaptation to climate change.

At the SAARC Council of Ministers last week in Delhi a Declaration was adopted which noted that the way forward must include:

• Adequate resources to tackle climate change without detracting from development funds.
• Effective access to and funding assistance for the transfer of environment-friendly technologies and for adaptation.
• Binding GHG emission reduction commitments by developed countries with effective timeframes.
• Equitable burden-sharing.

Equally, the transfer and access to clean technologies by developing countries, as global public goods on the lines of what was done for retrovirals to fight AIDS, is essential to effectively limit future GHG emissions. The IPR regime should include collaborative R&D and the sharing of the resulting IPRs.

India will work constructively with the global community to find solutions which do not constrain development. We are determined not to allow our per capita emissions of GHG’s to exceed those of developed countries.

For all these reasons, the subjects you are about to consider are central to our concerns in India. I look forward to the results of your deliberations and wish you a very successful dialogue.

(Mr.Shivashankar Monon as a Foreign Secretary in Government of India)